
Pass J^ 3 3:g. 
Book__.^VG_^__ 








A SKETCH or CHILI, 



EXPRESSLY PREPARED FOR 



THE USE OF EilGRAHTS, 



FROM THE 



UNITED^ STATES AND EUROPE 

TO THAT COUNTRY, 

WITH A MAP, 

AND SEVERAL PAPERS §. ELATING TO THE PRESENT WAR BE- 
TWEEN THAT COUNTRY AND SPAIN, AND THE POSITION 
ASSUMED BY THE UNITED STATES THEREIN. 

By DANIEL J. HUNTEK. 



^a'e^^ 



NEW YORK: 
Printed by S. Hallet, No. 60 Fulton Street. 

1866. 



v/.;^v^. 






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iC. 



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CO^^TEISTTS. 



FIEST PART. 

** Page. 

Preface, 3 

I. Position and Limits of Chili, T 5 

II. Climate, 6 

III. Topography, 7 

IV. Geolog}', 9 

V. Hydrograplij, .- 10 

VI. Coast and Islands, 12 

VII. Botany and Zoology, 14 

VIII. History, 15 

IX. Government, , 20 

X. Treaties with Foreien Nations, 21 

XI. The Public Pvevenue, 22 

XII. Commerce (Statistical Tables), 24 

XIII. Progress of Steam Xavis-ation, 31 

XIV. Agriculture (Statistical Returns), . , 36 

XV. Mines, 40 

XVI. Coal and Coal Fields, 41 

XVII. Railways and Roads, 42 

XVIII. Manufactures, 44 

XIX. Late Progress of Chili, , 44 

XX. Emigration and Colonization. 47 



SECOND PART. 

Page^ 

Preface, . - 3 

I. A Lecture Before the " Traveler's Club " of New York 

ON the Present Condition and Prospects of Chili,. 5 

I. Peculiarities of the Geography of Chili, 6 

II. Its Unity of Race, ^ 6 

III. Variety of Climate, 7 

IV. Immense Extent of Coast, 7 

V. Particular Influence of the Ocean, 8 

VI. Peculiar Features of the Geology of Chili, 8 

VII. The Three Kingdoms of Nature, 10 

VIII. Wealth in Silver, 11 

IX. Immense Production of Coffee, 12 

X. Its Agricultural Wealth, , 13 



n. CONTENTS. 

PAGE. 

XI. The Society of Chili, 13 

XII. Santiago, Capital of Chili, 14 

XIII. Historical Hints, : . . 15 

XIV. Influence of the United States, 16 

XV. Honors Paid to Washington and Lincoln, 17 

XVI. Government and Political Institutions, IS 

XVII. Laws on Foreigners, 19 

XVIII. The Army, 20 

XIX. Charities, 20 

XX. Principles of Self- Government, 20 

XXI. Journals, 21 

XXII. Public Education, 21 

XXIII. Railways, 22 

XXIV. Commerce, 24 

XXV. Finances, 24 

XXVI. The War with Spain, 25 

XXVII. Leading article of the New York "Evening Post" on the 

Lecture, 29 

II. Adduess Delivered in Panama, on the 8th November, 
1865, ON the Origin and Character of the War Be- 
tween Chili and Spain 33' 

HI. Letter of B. VicunA MacKenna to the Editor of " La 
Epoca," of Madrid, upon the Real Causes and Motives 

OF the War Between Chili and Spain, 43 

IV. The Monroe Doctrine — Grand Meeting at the Cooper 
Institute, January 6, 1866, in Defense of the Repub- 
lics of Chili, Peru, Mexico, and St. Domingo, 56 

I. Speech of William CuUen Bryant, 57 

II, Letter from Hon. Montgomery Blair, 58 

III. Letter from Senator Nesmith (Oregon), 59 

IV. Letter from Senator Conness (California), 62 

V. Letter from Hon. D. Owen (Indiana), , 63 

Yi. Lettc^r from Daniel S. Dickenson, United States District 

Attorney for New York, 64 

vii. Letter from Hon. T. Van Horn (Missouri), 65 

viii. Letter from Hon. I. Baker (Illinois), 66 

IX. Letter from Hon. Charles Stitgreaves (New Jersey),. ... 67 

X. Letter from Hon. J. A. Gariield (Ohio), 68 

XI. Letter from Senator Wade (Ohio), 68 

XII. Letter from Major-General Sickles. 69 

xiiT. Letter from Hon. J. A. Kasson (Iowa), 69 

XIV. Letter from Hon. Schuyler Colfax, Speaker of the House 

of Representatives 70 

XV. Letter from Hon. Hamilton Ward (New York), 70 

XVI. Letter from Hon. R. W. Clarke (Washington), 71 

xyii. Letter from Hon. H. Maynard (Tennessee), 71 

XVIII. Letter from Hon. J. I. Randall (Pennsylvania), 72 

XIX. Letter from Hon. J. II. Lane^ (Kansas), 72 

XX. Letter from Major-General Mussey, 73 

XX J. General Resolutions Approved in the Meeting, 73 ' 

XXII. Speech of F. Tomlinson, Esq., 76 



CONTENTS. iii. 



PAGE. 



XXIII. Resolution on Chili, 76 

XXIV. Speech of B. Vicuna MacKecna, 77 

XXV. Resolution on Andrew Johnson, President of the United 

States, 82 

XXVI. Speech of Hon. S. S. Cox, 82 



V. Banquet Given to the Representatives or the Press 
OF New York, and to the Diplomatic Corps of South 
America Residing in that City 84 



YI. The Unoin League Club — Remarks of B. Vicuna Mac- 

KENNA ON THE TeLEGRAPHS OF SoUTH AMERICA 89 

VII. Eulogy on Abraham Lincoln, from a South American 

Point of View 94 

YIII. Motion Offered in the Chamber of Deputies of Chili 
IN Honor of Abraham Lincon, by B. Vicuna Mac- 

KENNA , , . 113 

IX. Postscript 117 

I. Attempted arrest of B. Vicuna Mackenna, Confidential 

Agent of Chili in the United States, and preliminaries of 
his trial for alleged violation of the neutrality law of the 
latter country, " by fitting out an armed expedition 
against the dominions of the Queen of Spain" 117 

II. Letter from Mr. Vicuna Mackenna to the Editor of the 

Neio York Herald on the circumstances of his attempted 
arrest 118 

III. Mr. Vicuna Mackenna's affidavit in Court, claiming and 

proving his diplomatic privileges 121 

IV. Letter from Hon. Thomas H. Nelson, Minister Pleni- 

potentiary of the United States in Chili, to the Hon. 
Secretary of State, W. H. Seward, and other documents 
relating to Mr. Vicuna Mackenna's mission in the United 

States. 123 

V. Official Documents of the Foreign Department on Mr. 

Vicuna Mackenna's Diplomatic Immunity. 125 

VI. Judgment of the Panama Mercantile Chroiiide on the trial 

and arrest of Mr. Vicuna Mackenna 126 



PREFACE 



The present little work comprises two parts nnder 
separate titles. The first contains a physical descrip- 
tion of Chili with statistical data up to the present 
time. The second relates to the actual war between 
that country and Spain. 

Although in the last part of this pamphlet some idea 
of Chili is given to the general reader, we deem it important 
to go still further into details, in order that a country so 
admirably fitted to benefit emigrants may be better 
known. 

For this purpose we give, in this preliminary part of 
our little work, a more minute description of Chili, paying 
particular attention to its geography, climate, agriculture 
and mines, and especially to the various laws, privileges 
and colonies which have been established in that generous 
and well-governed country, in ordr-*- to favor the introduc- 
tion of emigrants from all nations and of all religious creeds. 

The lecture upon Chili, which we publish in the 
second part, given at the Travelers' Club, by Mr. Vicuna 
Mackenna, was of a pictorial, rather than a statistical and 
positive character. Consequently, we shall endeavor to 
supply that deficiency, but in such a way that one part 
will complete the other, without useless repetition. 

With these few explanations, we have tried to condense, 
into a few pages, such important information as would make 
of this little pamphlet a real vade mecum or easy guide 
for emigrants. 



POSITION AND LIMITS OF CHILI. 



Chili lies west of the Andes, and between the parallels 
of lat. 23° and 55° 59' S., having a coast line of about 
2,270 m., and a breadth varying from 200 m. to 40 m. 
Its area is variously estimated by different geographers 
at 146,300 sq. m. (Lieut, ailliss), 348,000 (Abbe Molina), 
170,000 (Lieut. Strain), and 240,000 by German geogra- 
phers. Chili is bounded N. by lat. 23° S., which separ- 
ates it from' Bolivia, E. by the Andes, which form the di- 
viding line between it and the States of the Argentine 
Confederation, S. and W. by the Pacific Ocean. It in- 
cludes in its territory all of Patagonia west of the 
Andes, as the Argentine Confederation does that portion 
lying east of those mountains. 



POPULATION AND POLITICAL DIVISIONS. 

According to the latest census, taken in the Republic 
on the 19th of April, 1865, Chili is divided into fifteen 
provinces, with a population of 1,814,218 inhabitants; 
but making the usual allowance of ten per cent, for the 
number omitted, the actual population cannot fall 
short of 2,000,000. 

In this proportion the Indians are not included. Those 
belonging to independent tribes form a community of 
some 30,000 souls. 

The emigrant settlement of Llanquihue, where 2,000 
German agriculturists live in prosperity, and the military 
settlement of Magallanes, are included in the full amount 
of the population — the latter having only 195 settlers. 



The names of the provinces of Chili (which will be 
seen plainly marked on the accompanying map), their 
capitals and the population of each, are shown in the fol- 
lowing table: 







Population of 


Provinces. 


Capitals. 


each Province. 


Atacama 


Copiapo 


79,227 


Coquimbo 


La Serena 


145,874 


Aconcagua 


San Felipe 


124,050 


Valparaiso 


Valparaiso 


142,200 


Santiago 


Santiago 


339,218 


Colchagua 


San Fernando 


142,456 


Curico 


Curico 


90,589 


Talca 


Talca 


100,574 


Maule 


Cauquenes 


188,181 


Suble 


Chilian 


123,598 


Concepcion 


Concepcion 


146,041 


Arauco 


Los Anjeles 


71,945 


Yaldivia 


Valdivia 


23,429 


Llanquihue 


Puerto Montt 


37,619 


Chilo6 


Ancud 


59,022 




Total 


1,814,218 



This census shows an increase in the population of 
375,098 over that of 1854, and of 730,417 over that of 1843. 
In the course of nature, the population of Chili will double 
every twenty-five years; but the current of emigration 
which has commenced to flow into the country, and which 
will be much greater after the war with Spain is over, will 
undoubtedly make her one of the most populous Kepub- 
lics of South America. 

CLIMATE. 



The climate of Chili is one of the finest in the world. 
Being in the south temperate zone, its summer answers 
to our winter, December, January and February being 
the hottest months. During three months little or no 
rain falls, and the thermometer sometimes rises to 90° or 
95° Fahrenheit; but the sea breeze at night cools the 
earth, and renders the temperature refreshing. The mean 
temperature of the winter months at Valparaiso is 54°, 



at La Serena 54.8°, at Santiago 49^, at Valdivia 46.8°. 
The highest temperature known at Santiago is 90°, the 
lowest 47.5°. At Valparaiso, the highest mean point in 
summer, in three years' observation, was 78°, the lowest 
62°, and the annual mean 70.8o. At Coquimbo, the mean 
summer temperature was 63.6°, and the entire range only 
16.8°. At Concepciou, the mean summer temperature at 
3 P.M. was 73.5°, the mean for the year about 56^^. In 
Valdivia, the mean summer temperature is 60°, that of 
the year 55°. At Santiago, the average number of hours 
during which rain fell in the year, during 26 years' obser- 
vation, was 215|, or about nine days. Further south, 
the quantity of rain is somewhat greater; the island of 
Chilo6 having a very moist climate. Toward the north, on 
the contrary, the rain diminishes in quantity, and on the 
desert of Atacama seldom or never falls. As a result of 
this equable and uniform climate, trees, fruits and flowers 
of both tropical and temperate regions flourish well. In 
some parts of the country the deciduous trees seem to for- 
get to disrobe themselves. " The native palm and pine 
of Araucania," says Lieut. Gilliss, " the chirimoya of trop- 
ical America and the medlar of Japan, the magnolia of 
Florida and the olive of Asia, may all be found within 
the compass of a garden, not less luxuriant in their pro- 
portions and ever verdant folittge than under the climes 
of their origin.'^ The atmosphere is remarkably clear, 
especially at night. Indeed, so great is its superiority in 
this respect over that of the Cape of Good Hope, which 
was selected by English astronomers for their observations, 
that it is estimated that a 6J inch achromatic at Santiago 
is fully equal to a 12^ inch one at the Cape. The crescent 
of Venus was more than once seen with the naked eye by 
astronomical observers. 

TOPOGEAPHY. 

The surface of Chili is greatly diversified. Beside the 
Andes, which form its Eastern border, and which, unless 
we except Ecuador, maintain a higher mean of elevation 
and shoot up into more lofty peaks here than in any other 
part of their course, there are two other ranges, of less 
elevation indeed, but occasionally rising nearly to the level 
of perpetual snow, which traverse portions of the narrow 



8 

strip wiiicli intervenes between the Andes and the Pacific, 
commencing near the 33d parallel. The more eristerly of 
these traverses the central portion of the republic, and is 
known as the Cordillera Central; it is broken only by the 
passage of rivers until it terminates on the Pacific, oppo- 
site the northern end of the island of Chiloe. The other, 
known as la Cordillera de la Costa, or the coast rano;e, 
separating from the central near its origin, follows more 
nearly the line of the coast, throwing off spurs oc- 
casionally eastward; it is of lower elevation than the 
central range, and is in some parts arable. Beside these 
mountain chains, there are multitudes of isolated hills, 
rising from the valleys, and forming bold promontories on 
margins of river, lake, and ocean. 

The principal valley of the country is that lying be- 
tween the central chain and the Andes; but there are in- 
numerable others, lying between the coast and the central 
ranges, or guarded by the outlying spurs of the Andes or 
the central chain. Of the mountaios of Chili, a large 
proportion are now, or have been at some time, volcanic. 
How many possess this character cannot now be ascer- 
tained; but the streams of lava which score the sides of 
many which are now quiet, and the not infrequent erup- 
tion of the fiery flood, as well as the occasional emissions 
of smoke and flame from those still active, indicate that 
the volcanic character belongs to the greater part. 

In the northern portion, the coast and central Cordil- 
leras spread out into the elevated plateau known as the 
desert of Atacama, which rises rapidly from the coast to a 
height varying from 4,000 to 10,000* feet, and from the 
comparatively level surface of which shoot up mountain 
peaks of great elevation, and often volcanic. By a recent 
proposed convention with Bolivia, Chili relinquishes all 
claim to that part of the desert lying North of lat, 23^ 
South, and in this portion of her territory .the only very 
lofty peak known is the volcano of Llullaillaco, which Dr. 
Philippi states at not far from 21,000 feet high. Few, if 
any, of the active volcanoes of the western continent ex- 
ceed this height. 

Geographers enumerate eleven passes over the Andes, 
from Chili into the Argentine Confederation, one or two 
of which, however, rest on tradition; two others, though 
practicable, and indeed comparatively easy, are not used on 



account of the opposition of the Indian tribes in the 
vicinity; others still are objectionable because of their 
great length or their liability to obstruction by snow. Of 
the whole number, only two are capable of being used 
and made passable for wagons. 

GEOLOaY. 

The great belt of Chili, between the Andes and the 
coast, ranging from eighty to a hundred miles in width, 
is traversed, south of lat. 31°, by numerous longitudinal 
ridges, called the Cordilleras of the coast, which are 
granitic. Further north, these spurs are more irregular 
in their direction, and are covered in great part with 
barren sands showing no trace of vegetation. This north- 
ern portion is of importance for its valuable mines of ores, 
while a strip along the south coast from Concepcion to 
the island of Chiloe, contains the principal mines of bitu- 
minous coal worked in South America. The country be- 
tween the Andes and the coast is particularly interesting 
to geologists for the evidences which it presents of several 
successive elevations, which it has experienced within 
modern times. Some of these are historical, as that of 
1822, when the coast at Valparaiso, and for many leagues 
north and south of it, was uplifted about six feet. The 
bed of shells and sea pebbles which marked its former 
beach is now that distance above the reach of the highest 
tides; and a succession of similar collections of shells of 
species belonging to the coast, accompanying terraces 
found further inland, and at higher levels, indicate as 
many as five uplifts of this character, but of much greater 
height, the difference of level between two terraces being 
found one hundred and twenty feet, and between the next 
two one hundred and eighty-two feet. Around the bay 
of Coquimbo these terraces are very distinctly marked in 
the hills; and as they extend back into the country, they 
spread out into plains, upon which towns, like the beau- 
tiful La Serena, the capital of the province of Coquimbo, 
are built. Near Valparaiso, comminuted sea shells of 
living species are found at elevations of over five hundred 
and fifty feet; and some, it is stated, have been met with 
even one thousand three hundred feet above the sea level. 



10 

The most noted mineral springs are those of Apoquindo, 

Colina, Cauquenes, Panimavida, Cato, Soco, and Dona 
Ana; the principal constituents of which are chloride of 
calcium, chloride of sodium, chloride of magnesium, and 
sulphates of soda and lime, with occasional traces of iron 
and alumina. About seventy-five miles east south-east of 
Chilian are found hot sulphur springs, almost up to the 
line of perpetual snow on the Nevada de Chilian. They are 
much frequented, and are reputed to possess extraordinary 
medicinal virtues, particularly the last, for constitutional 
diseases and shattered nature. 

HYDKOGRAPHY. 

The hydrographic system of Chili, although deficient and 
scarce in the north, owing to the dryness of the atmos- 
phere and the comparative depression of the Andes, is 
very powerful and widely spread, particularly in the region 
of the south not yet explored. The lakes are numerous, 
but few of them are very large. With the exception 
of a few salt ponds or coves near the coast, they are 
bodies of fresh water, accumulated in the valleys high 
up in the central range of the Andes. The largest 
is Llanquihue, at the foot of the Andes, in the province 
of Yaldivia; it is nearly triangular, thirty miles long, 
and twenty-two miles in its greatest width. Near it, 
and lying in the same plain, are Todos los Santos, or 
Esmeralda, so called on account of its green, transparent, 
and beautiful water, eigrhteen miles lono; and six miles 
wide, and Rupanco, twenty-four miles long and four 
miles broad. Puychue, a short distance north, is a trifle 
larger; and some ten or twelve miles further north is 
Ranco, a very irregular shaped lake, thirty- two miles long 
and eighteen broad. Immediately east of Yaldivia are 
five small lakes, which form the head waters of the 
Yaldivia river; near latitude 39° is Yilla Rica or Llau- 
quen, which covers more than one hundred square 
miles. In the province of Concepcion there are two lakes 
— Guilletue, with a surface of about fifty square miles, 
lying high up in the Andes, and La Laja, celebrated for 
its picturesque scenery, and for the beautiful fall, a min- 
iature Niagara, at its outlet, a short distance below. — 
North of these there are no lakes deserving the name, but 



11 

small bodies of water, the product of the melting snows 
drained into extinct craters, covering a surface of from 
three to twenty square miles, diversify the rugged scenery 
of the rough granite masses of the Andes. 

The rivers of Chili are all of inconsiderable length, ris- 
ing in the Andes, and hnding their way by numerous wa- 
terfalls and rapids to the Pacific. When swollen by the 
melting of the mountain snows, they discharge large 
quantities of water, and no inconsiderable quantity of allu- 
vium, gravel, and even the debris of rocks into the Pacific, 
and almost all of them have, in consequence, considerable 
bars at their mouths. The following are the principal 
rivers : The Biobio rises in an extinct volcano in the ex- 
treme east of the Andes, lat. 38° 15', and takes a general 
north-west direction, receiving three considerable affluents 
— the Laja, Duqueco, and Bergara — and after a course of 
nearly two hundred and twenty miles, discharges its waters 
into the Pacific, in latitude 36° 50'. Like the other 
rivers of the country, it has a sand bar at its mouth, 
which prevents vessels of any considerable draught of water 
from ascending it. Inside the bar there is water enough 
for large shipping. A canal has been projected from the 
bay of Talcahuano into the river above the bar to obviate 
this difficulty. The river is navigable as far as Nacimiento, 
nearly one hundred miles, and maintains a steamer, which 
plies regularly between Concepcion and Nacimiento. The 
Maule rises in the Andes, in latitude 35° 10' south, and 
has a nearly due west course of about one hundred and 
fifty miles; it is navigable for small craft about seventy 
miles. The Yaldivia rises in Lake Guanegue, in latitude 
39° 45', and has a west south-west course; its length is 
about one hundred miles, and it is navigable for fifty 
miles. The Imperial rises in the Andes by several sources, 
in the vicinity of the parallel of 38° 30'; its course is 
south-west and west; its length about one hundred and 
fifty miles, of which about thirty are navigable. The 
Tolten rises in Lake Villa Rica, lat. 30° 5' south; its 
course is nearly due west; its length is about sixty miles; 
it is navigable, but not navigated, on account of the 
barbarous Indians on its banks. The Bueno flows from 
two principal sources, in two lakes of the Andes, lat. 40° 
50' and 40° 40' ; it has a course of about one hundred 
and ten miles, of which twenty are navigable. The other 



12 ' 

considerable streams, none of which, however, are navigable, 
are the Maypu, the Kapel, the Itata, the Aconcagua, the 
Mataquito, the Limari, the Coquimbo, the Huasco, and 
the Copiapo. The last, though at times a considerable 
stream, is often dry in summer. 

COAST AND ISLANDS. 

There are but few good harbors on the coast of Chili, 
though in the multitude of its small bays and indenta- 
tions there are several roadsteads where, in fair weather, 
vessels may lie at anchor in safety. The best harbor is 
that of Talcahuano, in the bay of the same name, which 
is well protected, and with ample depth of water and 
room sufficient for the accommodation of the largest fleet. 
Coquimbo is the next harbor in point of safety. It is well 
sheltered on the west, south, and east, and as there are no 
tempestuous winds from the north, it is sufficiently secure. 
Close by it is a small land-locked harbor. Port Herradura, 
well adapted for repairing ships. 

The harbor of Valparaiso is the most important on the 
Chilian coast, in the extent of its commerce, though, from 
its openness to northerly winds and the peculiar form of 
^the bay, accidents to shipping are not uncommon. Cal- 
dera, in the bay of the same name, from which the largest 
exports from the silver and copper mines are shipped; 
Constitucion, within the mouth of the river Maule, an in- 
different harbor, owing to the bar of the river at its en- 
trance, but opening into a fertile region; Yaldivia, an ex- 
cellent harbor for small vessels; and San Carlos, on the is 
land of Chiloe, lat. 41° 51', are the other principal harbors 
on the coast. 

Before the pending war with Spain, Chili had only nine 
ports open to direct foreign trade, but now she hasjl/ty- 
five. The Spaniards have consequently done a great ser- 
vice to the world. They have, it may be said, discovered 
with their big ships no less than fifty new ports unknown 
before to geographers and merchants. 

The ports which were known before the war are the fol- 
lowing : Caldera, Coquimbo, Huasco, Valparaiso, Con- 
stitucion, Tom6, Talcahuano, Coronel, Valdivia and Ancud. 

The remaining forty-five now thrown open to the world, 
free of all customhouse duties, are Chacao, Castro, Melipulli, 



13 

Calbuco, Rio Bueno, Carampangue, Lebu, Colcura, Lota, 
Lotilla, Penco, Lirquen, Curanipe, Buchupureo, Llico, 
Tuman, San Antonio, San Antonio de las Bodegas, 
Algarrobo, San Jos6, Zapallar, Papudo, Pichidangui, 
Los Vilos, Tongoi, Guayacan, Totoralillo, Hiianta, Car- 
rizal Bajo, Sarco, Pena Blanca, Flamenco, Chanaral de las 
Animas, Paposo, Tartal, Oobre, Pan de Azilcar, Obispito, 
Dicbato, San Vicente," Quinteros, Copiapo, Pajonal, To- 
toral, San Lorenzo. 

The islands appertaining to Chili are numerous. The 
most important, and indeed the only ones of much intrin- 
sic value to the republic are those of Chiloe and its arch- 
ipelago. Possessed of a healthy though moist climate, a 
soil of extraordinary fertility, and with no elevation above 
2,600 feet, a temperature in which ice does not form, and 
frost and snow are exceedingly rare, Chilo6 may well be 
called the garden of the Pacific. It yields fine crops of 
wheat, barley, and potatoes every year, and the domestic 
animals propagate rapidly, and contribute largely to the 
commerce of the island. The potato is indigenous here, 
and by cultivation has reached a high degree of excellence. 
The inhabitants are amiable ^nd hospitable, but, owing in 
part, probably, to the beneficence of nature in providing 
them a support with but little labor, they are inclined to 
indolence. The principal islands of the archipelago are 
San Pedro, Lilchuapu, Caylin, Tanqui, Lemuy, Quehuy, 
&c., &c. There are in all more than one hundred of these 
islands, of which twenty are settled, and have good harbors. 
These all abound in seals, otters, and shell-fish, and are 
well supplied with wood and water. Southward of these 
are the Gruaytecas group and Huafo, similar in their gen- 
eral character. On the coast above Chiloe are several 
smaller islands, the principal of which are Mocha, lat. 38° 
23'; Santa Maria, lat. 37° 3'; and Quiriquina, in the 
mouth of Concepcion Bay. 

The most renowned of all the Chilian islands is the 
group rendered immortal in connection with De Foe's 
"Robinson Crusoe," Juan Fernandez. Aside from the 
fictitious interest thus bestowed upon them, these incon- 
siderable islands (for there are two principal and several 
smaller ones) have played a conspicuous part in the his- 
tory of the South Pacific. First discovered by Juan Fer- 
nandez, in 1563,, they were abandoned in a short time by 



14j 

the colonists, who left their goats and fruit trees. Subse- 
quently, they became a favorite resort for pirates and buc- 
caneers, and afforded to Lord Anson for three months, a 
refuge where his crew might recover from the scurvy, and 
his vessels be refitted. They were visited by Ulloa in 
1741, and in 1751 an attempt was again made for their 
colonization by the Spanish. Government An attempt 
twice repeated during the present century by the Chilian 
republic has not been quite successful. 

BOTANY AND ZOOLOGY. 

The vegetable and animal kingdom of Chili present a 
singular contrast, the latter being very deficient. There 
are, consequently, no magnificent wild beasts in the country. 
No lions, tigers, leopards; neither the small, ferocious 
reptiles which are the curse of most South American 
countries. It has been observed that Chili, being the 
healthiest country in the South, is precisely the one 
which produces most medicinal plants, and, at the same 
time, is free of all venomous animals or reptiles. 

The potato is an aboriginal of Chili, as well as a very 
delicious kind of bean, called by the aborigines porotoSy and 
a great many kinds of sago roots are found wild, particul- 
arly on the banks of the Biobio. A very sweet kind of 
juice called chuno is made out of this fruit. 

Many of the forest trees are of great value for 
building and ornamental purposes. The araucaria, a 
species of pine, the alerce, a cypress, with a dark rich 
heart- wood, the roble, tiqui, manu, muermo, and may ten 
are all valuable and durable woods. The coligue, a species 
of bamboo, is in very considerable demand for thatching 
roofs. 

The animals of Chili are not as numerous as those of 
the countries east of the Andes. The mammals are compar- 
atively few. M, Gay, an eminent French naturalist, enumer- 
ates seven species of cheiroptera, mostly of the bat tribe; 
twelve species oi cainivora, embracing four of the cat 
tribe, three foxes, one weasel, two polecats, the nutria and 
the otter; six species of the phocidce, embracing the seal 
and his congeners; one marsupial, the didelphys elegans, 
peculiar to Chili: twelve genera and twenty-five species of 
rodents, of which twelve belong to the mouse family; the 



15 

chinchilla and its congeners, and the cavy or mountain 
rabbit. There are only two species of the edentata^ the 
dasypus and pichicie^o, the latter a very rare animal, 
found only in Chili. There are three ruminants, the gua- 
naco, the largest of the llama tribe, and two of the deer 
tribe, the pudu and the huemul. There are four species 
of cetacea, two dolphins, the sperm whale, and the right 
whale. There are eleven species of reptilia, five of which 
are saurians, four ophidians, one frog, and one toad. The 
birds are more numerous. The raptores, embracing the 
condor, the vultures, hawks, and owls, are largely repre- 
sented. The great order of incessores has numerous rep- 
resentatives of its every tribe and family, many of them 
of superb plumage, and some of wonderful powers of song. 
The dove and pigeon tribes are also found in considerable 
numbers, and the waders (grallatores) and swimmers (na- 
tatores) are|almost numberless, several of the species being 
peculiar to the western coast of South America. 

Among the fishes, we find three species of the perch 
tribe, all new; one of the atlierinidce, the kingfish; three 
of the silm^idce, one a new genus and species; two cIupidcB 
both new, one a new species of the shad; one cheirodon, a 
new genus of the cJiaracini family, and a new myxinoid, 
having an affinity with the lamprey eel of our northern 
waters. Crustaceans and mollusks are abundant, especially 
in Chilo^ and the other southern provinces, but have not 
been very fully examined. The choros^ a peculiar species 
of oyster, exists in great quantities along the coast, and 
forms a favorite dish with the inhabitants, particularly 
those of the Quiriquina, in the bay of Talcahuano, which 
have really a delicious flavor. 

HISTOEY. 

The history of Chili, as well as that of all the Euro- 
pean colonies of North and South America, offers very 
little interest up to the time in which they shook off the 
bonds of their mother countries. 

Of aboriginal Chili little is known. Prior to 1450, the 
present territory was inhabited by the ancestors of the 
Indian tribes no longer to be found there, who seem to have 
all descended from a common stock, and called themselves 
by the general title of Mapu-che, people or children of the 



16 

land. They were subdivided into a number of tribes, 
but all spoke a common language. In 1450, the reign- 
ing Inca of Peru, Yupanqui, formed the project of 
extending his sway over the Chilian territory, and having 
stationed himself with a powerful army in Atacama, des- 
patched his trusty lieutenant, Chinchiruca, with ten 
thousand men, southward to subdne the Mapu-che. — 
With that tact which characterised the policy of the Incas, 
Chinchiruca sought to win rather than conquer these rude 
and warlike tribes; and such were his powers of persuasion, 
that tribe after tribe yielded to the " children of the sun/' 
and in six years' time the inhabitants of Northern Chili, 
for six hundred miles, from the Atacama frontier, paid 
fealty to the Peruvian monarch. But his sway was destined 
to receive a check. Pushing further south, his ofl&cers and 
soldiers encountered, on the further bank of the river Maule, 
a warlike tribe known as the Promaucaes, who returned a 
defiant answer to the summons and representations of the 
Inca, and refusing all overtures for peace, attacked the 
Peruvian troops. A desperate battle followed, lasting 
three days, in which both armies were too thoroughly 
shattered to renew the conflict. Upon hearing of the re- 
sult of this battle, Yupanqui wisely resolved to forbear 
offensive warfare, and to maintain only what he already 



When some eighty years later, the Spaniards had over- 
thrown the empire of the Incas, they found Chili owning 
a nominal allegiance to the Peruvian monarch, and resolved 
to subjugate that country also ; and Diego Almagro, 
from the double motive of glory and gold, led an expedi- 
tion across the mountain passes of the Andes. When 
he reached Copiapo, one-fourth of his Spanish troops and 
two -thirds of his Indian allies had perished from cold, fa- 
tigue and starvation. They were received by the people 
very kindly, and met no opposition till they reached the 
territory of the Promaucaes, where, like their predecessors, 
they found a foe so brave that they were fain to pause and 
retrace their steps. 

Almagro and the remainder of his force returned slowly 
and sadly to Peru, and five years elapsed ere another ex- 
pedition to Chili was attempted. Pedro Valdivia, a pru- 
dent and able commander, was selected for this service, 
and so well did he arrange his plans that, though occasion- 



17 

ally meeting with hostile bands of Indians, he penetrated, 
without serious difficulty, to the river Mapocho, and en- 
camped upon the present site of Santiago. Finding the 
location pleasant and the adjacent country fertile, he here 
founded a city, to which he gave the name of the patron 
saint of Spain. 

Scarcely had he fortified himself in his new town, how- 
ever, before the Indians, availing themselves of his tem- 
porary absence, assailed it, and would have taken it but 
for the hasty return of the commander; but though balked 
of their intended prey, they returned again and again to 
the charge, till Valdivia was compelled to send for re-en- 
forcements from Peru. After the arrival of these he pro- 
ceeded southward, and though the Promaucaes, the ancient 
foes of Almagro and of the Inca's forces, seem to have 
offered no effectual opposition to his progress, he found, 
after crossing the Itata, which formed their southern boun- 
dary, a new foe, braver, fiercer, and readier for the fray 
than any he had hitherto encountered — the Araucanians, 
for the first time appearing on the page of history. So 
terrible and unexpected was their first attack, that it well 
nigh annihilated Valdivia's army, and compelled him to 
retreat to Santiago, and eventually to return to Peru for 
further re- enforcements. 

He returned in 1550 with a large and well-appointed 
force, and founded the city of Concepcion, on a site now 
known as Penco. Here the Araucanians rallied their 
forces, and with four thousand men under Caupolican, at- 
atcked the new city, and with a more determined valor than 
any Spanish general had before witnessed, resisted the skill 
and bravery of the Spanish troops. It wao not until the 
fall of their leader that they would yield an inch of ground. 
Conflict after conflict followed. The Indians, after a 
time, were led by a young Auraucanian captive named 
Lautaro, who had been reared in Valdivia's family, whose 
skill as a commander made him a formidable foe. 

In 1553, Valdivia was captured by the Indians, and put 
to death. Emboldened by their success, the Indians de- 
stroyed Concepcion, resisted all attempts to rebuild it, 
and eventually marched upon Santiago, and placed it in 
great peril, but were finally repulsed, and the brave Lau- 
taro fell. 

During the next two hundred and fifty years, a protracted 



18 

war followed, the brave Araucanians never yielding the 
country to their hated invaders. This aboriginal love of 
independence has been ascribed as a natural reason of the 
powerful feeling shown afterward by the Chilians, heirs in 
some respect of those courageous men, in sustaining their 
honor and independence against all foreign people. 

"With the exception of the war with the Araucanians, 
in which many Governors of Chili lost their power and 
life, and which was terminated in the peace of Negrete, 
in 1793, there occurred nothing worthy of the notice of 
posterity during the dominion of the Spaniards. But in 
1810, the energetic Chilians, feeling tired of being a mere 
appendix to the viceroyalty of Peru, which country they 
supplied with flour, hides, tallow, and other coarse articles 
and manufactures, rose against Spain, guided by the most 
powerful, influential and aristocratic families of the coun- 
try. Among those who occupied the first rank was that of 
the Carrera, whose centre were the enterprising brothers, 
Jose Miguel, Juan Jose, and Luis, and that of the Larrain, 
called popularly the family of the eight hundred, owing 
^to its vast relationships. 

The Chilians fought two years bravely against the 
troops sent from Peru, but the two leading families of 
the country having unfortunately divided in feuds, the 
common enemy took advantage, and the army commanded 
by the Carrera being defeated in the battle of Kancagua, 
in the neighborhood of Santiago, on the 1st of October, 
1814, the cause of their independence was temporarily 
lost. 

But in 1817, the famous San Martin came to the rescue 
of Chili, traversing the Andes from the Argentine Repub- 
lic with an army of four thousand men, and defeating the 
Spaniards twice in Chacabuco (February 12th, 1817), and 
on the plains of Maipo, in the outskirts of Santiago 
(the 5th of April, 1818), assured forever the independence 
of the Republic. 

G-eneral O'Higgins, a native of Chili, and son of the 
most distinguished vice-king of Peru, Don Ambrosio 
O'Higgins, an Irishman by birth, was appointed supreme 
chief of the Republic, as an honor paid to his bravery and 
patriotism, having been San Martinis most active lieu- 
tenant. 

San Martin and O'Higgins, once in power, planned the 



19 

liberty of Perii, where the stronghold of the Spanish 
power lay, and in 1820, sent a naval and military expedi- 
tion, the first under the famous Lord Cochrane, and the 
last guided by San Martin himself. After a successful 
and wonderful campaign, the Chilian array occupied 
Lima on the 21st of July, 1821, and a week afterwards the 
independence of Peru was solemnly proclaimed (2Sth of 
July, 1821). 

After a glorious career, the military government of 
Gen. O'Higgins was superseded by that of G-en. Freire (Jan. 
28, 1823). A decade of troubles abortive attempts at a 
unitarian and federal government, followed, until the coun- 
try was pacified by the superior talent and energy of a civi- 
lian, Don Diego Portales, who, although a merchant by pro- 
fession, showed the most extraordinary talents as a States- 
man. tJnder a rather despotic Constitution the political fac- 
tions were subdued, until the cords of power being too much 
stretched, Portales himself fell a victim to a military re- 
volt, while organizing an expedition against the President 
of Bolivia, General Santa Cruz^ who had usurped the 
supreme power of Peru. 

The Expedition wag carried out. notwithstanding the 
death of Portales (June 16th, 1836), first under General 
Blanco, and afterwards under the command of the suc- 
cessful General Biilnes, who completely defeated Santa 
Cruz in the famous battle of Jungay (January 20th, 
1839), restoring thus for the second time to Peru its inde- 
pendence and liberty. 

In 1841, General Biilnes was elected President, on his 
return from Peru, and governed quietly for two constitu- 
tional terms. In 1851 D. Manuel Montt, an eminent 
lawyer, was elected, and although he governed with a party 
rather than with the nation, he kept the power until, in 
1861, Don Jose Joaquin Perez was elected President. 

The first period of his administration ends next Sep- 
tember, and it is very probable that he will be elected for 
the next term, owing to his good management of the public 
affairs, particularly in sustaining the honor of the country 
in the war with Spain. 

This war is the great event of South America and 
Chili. We have referred to it more fully in the second 
part of this work, and we have only to say here that the 
Chilians commenced it gloriously, attacking and taking one 



20 

of the Spanish ships-of-war, the ^^ Covadanga/' off the 
port of Papudo, on the 26th November, 1865. 

By a treaty of alliance, Peru takes sides with Chili in 
the war with Spain, which was solemnly declared in Lima 
on the 15th January last. Ecuador followed on the 30th 
of January, and it is expected that Bolivia, New Granada 
and Venezuela will come forward to support the old and 
glorious brotherhood of the South American Republics. 

This struggle cannot last long, as Spain has no power 
to carry it on, and all the nations of Europe are opposed 
to her shameful depredations upon the prosperous 
republics of South America. 

GOVERNMENT. 

The Republic of Chili is governed under the rule of a 
very strong political constitution, framed through the influ- 
ence of the famous Portales, or at least of his party, and 
which was sanctioned on the 25th May, 1833. It is, conse- 
quently, the oldest constitution of America, after that of 
the United States, and it is must be acknowledged that 
its age is its principal title to respect. 

The form of government is republican, representative 
and electoral, all citizens possessing certain political 
qualifications being electors and eligible. Most of the 
German emigrants, settled in the south of Chili, have a 
right to vote, and have taken a lively part in the politics 
of the country. 

The three political branches of a representative govern- 
ment, the executive, the legislative and the judiciary, are 
clearly defined by the Constitution. 

The President, or chief of the executive, is elected for 
five years, and is eligible for a second term, but not for a 
third, until a period of five years has elapsed. He is as- 
sisted by a Council of State, composed of thirteen persons, 
all of his own choosing, and removable at his will. There 
are four cabinet ministers, viz. — of foreign and home af- 
fairs, of finance, of war and marine, of justice, religion 
and education. They are responsible for every official act, 
and cannot leave the country for six months after the ex- 
piration of their term of public service. No order or 
document from the president is legal without the counter- 
signature of the minister to whose department it belongs. 

The Legislature is composed of a Senate of twenty mem- 



21 

bers, elected for nine years, one-third of whom go out of 
ofi&ce every three years, and a House of Deputies, consist- 
ing of one for every twenty thousand inhabitants, elected 
for three years. Government officers may be members of 
either branch of the legislature, and still hold their offices. 
They may, and often do, also, represent more than one 
constituency. 

The judiciary consists of primary courts, three courts of 
appeal, and a supreme court. The judges of the higher 
courts are appointed for life, or rather during good be- 
havior, and can only be removed by impeachment. 

The Grovernment of Chili has acquired great credit for 
the management of her relations with foreign powers.— 
This peculiar trait has been ascribed to the natural dis- 
creet and quiet character of the people, and in some mea- 
sure to the interference and wisdom of the celebrated Ve- 
nezuelan savant, Don Andres Bello, undoubtedly the most 
famous Spanish writer on international law, and chief 
clerk for many years of the foreign department. 

Daring the last forty-seven years. Chili has ratified 



not less than twenty treaties with foreio:n 


L nations. The 


following 


table shows the names and the 


) date of those 


conventions : — 






Treaties between the Eepublic of Chili ^ 
and the Argentine Confedera- j 
tion, ----- y 


'Feb. 5, 1819 
'Aug. 30, 1855 


Between Chili and Bolivia, 


Oct. 7, 1845 


do. 


do. 


Cerdena, 


June 28, 1856 


do. 


do. 


Ecuador, 


June 26, 1855 


do. 


do. 


Spain, - - - 


April25, 1844 


do. 


do. 


United States, 


May 16, 1832 


do. 


do. 


France, - - - 


Sep. 15, 1846 


do. 


do. 


Great Britain, 


Jan. 9, 1839 


do. 


do. 


do., 


May. 10, 1852 


do. 


do. 


do., - - 


Oct, 4, 1854 


do. 


do. 


Mexico, - - - 


Mar. 7, 1831 


do. 


do. 


New Granada, 


Feb. 16, 1844 


do. 


do. 


do.. 


Aug. 30, 1853 


do. 


do. 


Peril, - 


Jan. 20, 1835 


do. 


do. 


do,' . . - 


Oct. 7, 1845 


do. 


do. 


do., - - - 


Sep. 12, 1848 


do. 


do. 


do., - - - 


Nov. 7, 1854 


do. 


do. 


do., - - - 


Feb. 9, 1856 


do. 


do. 


do., . . . 


Dec. 5, 1865 



22 

THE PUBLIC KEYENCE. 

The public revenue of Chili is comparatively small, 
taking into consideration the extent, wealth and popula- 
tion of the country. But the reason of this is highly 
creditable to the country, as there is not on the surface of 
the globe a people less taxed than that of Chili. If the 
taxes were only half of those established in the United 
States, or a third of those of England, the actual revenue 
of Chili would be almost double that now collected. In- 
deed, there is in Chili, properly speaking, but one general 
tax, and that is paid directly by the foreign commerce — 
— the Custom House duties, which constitute two-thirds 
of the public revenue. The other third is derived princi- 
pally from two branches — the tobacco monopoly, which 
produces a million; and a light, although unequal tax on 
real estate, which yields a little more than half a million. 
Urban real estate and capital are not taxed at all in Chili; 
and, owing to this unequal distribution of charges, there 
exists a strong movement to establish a single direct tax, 
taking as a basis the capital or the revenue. 

The amount of the public revenue in 1863, including 
all its branches, is shown in the following table : 



BRANCHES. 


l»b3. 


Customs, ----- 


$4,259,533 


Tobacco Taxes, - - - - 


1,091,821 


Agricultural Taxes, _ - _ 


641,474 


Taxes on Sales of Keal Estate, 


214,623 


Imposition on Capitals, 


4,300 


Patents, - - - - - 


74,316 


Timber, 


102,214 


Post Office 


123,404 


Mint, 


4,254 


Tolls, - 


30,196 


Kailroad between Santiago and Val- 




paraiso, - - - - 


112,154 


Eventual Branches, - • - 


42,365 


Total in 1863, . - - - 


$6,700,659 


do. in 1862, - - 


6,287,155 


Increase in 1863, - - - - 


413,504 



23 

The increase of the public revenue during the last forty 
years is demonstrated in the following proportion : 

1833, - - - - $1,770,761 

1843, - - - - 3,001,230 

1853, - - - . 5,552,485 

1863, - - - - 6,700,659 

The revenue of the Custom Houses, which at the time 
of the breaking out of the Kevolution of Independence, 
gave only a monthly yield of $12,000, is exhibited in its 
uninterrupted increase by the following data : 



Years. 


^ Net Product. 


Proportion for each 
Inhabitant. 


1833 
1843 
1853 

1863 


- - - $1,025,385 - - 

- - 1,735,432 - 

- - - 3,358,540 - - 

- - 4,259,534 - 


■ - $1,01 per head. 
1,60 '' " 
2.35 " " 
2,51 " " 



Another of the sources of the public treasury is the 
Post Office. At the end of the las t century, there were 
only three weekly services throughout the country, as 
there existed only a few passable roads. The postage on 
letters, too, was very heavy (25 cents for a common two- 
cent letter), and consequently the communication was 
very limited. But lately (1853), the new Americna sys- 
tem of cheap postage has been adopted, with considerable 
profit to the Department and great benefit to the people. 
In 1853, the number of letters received was 195,351, and 
the year after, when the reform was put in execution, it 
was nearly doubled — 306,569 being the number of letters 
delivered and received in 1854. 

The increase of the Post Office revenue since 1833 is 
shown in the following table: 



Year. 


Net Revenues. 


Per Centage. 


1833 

1843 
1853 
1863 


- - - - $20,525 - - 

- - - - 44,060 - - - 

- - - - 52,982 - - 

- - - - 123,404 - - . 


$0,02 per hea 

. - 0,04 '' " 

0,04 " " 

- - 0,07 " " 



There are now more than one hundred and fifty general 
and local post-office stations throughout the country, and 



24 

theservice, except in tlie further provinces, is, in most 
cases, daily. The vast extent of coast navigation in Chili 
affords peculiar facilities for frequent communication be- 
tween its several provinces and cities. Oopiapo, the 
northernmost extremity of the Kepublic, is only 30 hours' 
steamiug from Valparaiso, and Chiloe, the southern ex- 
tremity, only double that time. 

The foreign debt at the end of 1865 was $10,678,500, 
$3,575,000 of which was an old English loan of 1822, at 
3 and 6 per cent, and $7,193,500, the loan of 1858, at 4J 
per cent. But as the value of the railroad between Val- 
paraiso and Santiago, and the shares held by the govern- 
ment in other railroads is represented by the amount of 
$15,778,108, itmay be said that Chili has bo foreign debt, 
or, at least, that she can pay it at any moment and be 
free of all obligation to foreign capital. 

COMMERCE. 

The commerce of Chili with foreign nations, particularly 
with Eugland, is very large. It is represented, indeed, as 
among the first commercial nations of the world. The 
natural productions are fitted for a wide expor- 
tation; the wealth of the inhabitants permits them to 
invest large sums in foreign and luxurious importations, 
and the fact of Valparaiso, the principal port of Chili, 
being a kind of depot for merchandise which comes around 
the Horn for the supply of the south of Bolivia (via Cobija) 
and the north-west provinces of the Argentine Republic — 
through the several passes of the Andes — accounts for the 
prodigious commercial transactions that take place there 
yearly. The liberality of the commercial laws conduce 
greatly to this result. 

The amount of exportations from the country during 
the last four years (1861-'64) amounts to the extraordi- 
nary sum of $89,705,771, and the importations to $73,- 
257,851, making a round sum of $162,963,622, according 
to the following statistics: 

IMPORTATIONS. 

In 1861, $20,349,634 

'^ 1862, - - - - 21,994,432 

'' 1863, ----- 20,118,852 

'' 1864, - - - - 27,242,853 



Total, - - . . $89,705,771 



25 

EXPORTATIONS. 



1861, 
1862, 
1863, 
1864, 



Total 



$16,676,314 
17,226,655 

20,487,517 
18,867,365 

73,257,851 



The principal articles exported in 1864 were the follow- 
ing: 



Copper in bars, 
'' re^ulus. 
Wheat, Flour, 
Silver in bars. 
Copper Ore, 
Wheat, 



$9,506,957 
4,714,912 
2,321,090 
1,638,272 
1,268,588 
1,039,071 



The different countries to whose markets those produc- 
tions were sent appear in the last statistical records in the 
following per centage: 



England, - - 58.41 pr. ct. o 


f total expor 


Peru, - - - 13.93 ' 




France, - - 11.19 




Australia, - - 3.59 ^ 




North America, - 2.98 ' 




California, - - 1.96 ' 




Germany, - - 1.63 ^ 





tation. 



The principal articles of importation are marked thus for 
the same year (1864): 



Plain cotton goods, 

Refined sugar. 

Cattle from Argentine Republic, 

Calicoes, - - - _ 

Ground sugar, white and brown, 

Coal, 

Yerva Mate, - - - 



$970,387 
961,697 
810,896 
689,-291 
647,591 
574,395 
537,368 



26 

The countries from which the imports were sent are 

England, - - - - . 43.46 per cent. 

France, ----- 20.93 " 

Germany, ----- 9. 11 ^f 

Argentine Kepuhlic, - - 5.58 '^ 

North America, - - - - 5.52 " 

Peru, - - - - - 3.99 " 

Brazil, - ... - 3.92 " 

The internal commerce by sea, and its wonderful 
increase, is shown by the following figures: 

1861, - - - _ $16,696,921 

1862, 23,919,972 

1863, - - - - 25,003,789 

1864, 28,896,783 

Increase over 1863, - " - - 3,892,994 

1862, - - - 4,977,811 

'* 1861, - - - 12,199,862 

In the foregoing statistics, the transit commerce from 
Chili to Bolivia and the Argentine Republic, which 
amounts to several millions, is not included. 

After the general but accurate review of the commerce 
carried on during the year before last, we subjoin 
some other minute statistics, which we deem of in- 
terest to the general reader, about the commercial wealth 
of Chili. In 1855 the imports were $25,988,925 ; in 
1856, ^29,804,041; and in 1857, $31,800,209. The ex- 
ports of 1855 were, $19,110,589; in 1856, $18,159,522; 
and in 1857, $20,126,461. The following table particu- 
larizes the exports of the latter year: 



Bars of gold and gold coin, 


- $497,736 


Silver and silver ores, - ■ - 


4,725,655 


Copper and copper ores, 


- 10,760,589 


Wheat, - - - . 


. ' 1,050,718 


Flour, - - . - 


798,112 


Biscuit, bread, &c. - 


108,223 


Barley, 


257,970 


Beans, - - - , 


24,904 


Peas and maize, 


4,835 


Potatoes, - - - 


35,506 


Wine and chicha. 


1,612 


Nuts and dried and fresh fruits, 


89,052 


Salt beef. 


10,880 



27 

Charqui, or jerked beef, - - 104,173 

Butter and cheese, . _ _ 36,055 

Tallow and lard, - - - 2,729 

Hides, horns, and hoofs, - - 501,104 

Goat, sheep, and chinchilla skins, - 40,861 

Wool, . . - - 397,643 

Assorted provisions, - - 27,189 

Dried fodder, - - - 41,790 

Cords, rope, and rigging, - . - 18,464 

Planks and lumber, - - - 265,287 

Coal, _ - . - 176,765 

Guano, _ - - - 5,600 

Miscellaneous, - - - 143,009 

Total, - - - $20,126,416 

The principal imports are distilled spirits, ale and por- 
ter, alpaca goods, baizes, bedsteads, books, buttons, cabi- 
net-ware, calicoes, candles, canvas, carpets, carriages, cas- 
simeres, cigars, cloths, clothing, coal, cotton and woollen 
goods, crape shawls, drugs, earthen and glass ware, gloves, 
gold in bars and coin, gunpowder, horned cattle and 
horses, household furniture, indigo, iron and iron goods, 
jewelry and cutlery, leather, linen goods, machinery, 
matches, yerva mate, merino cloths, muslins, molasses, 
oils, paints, paper, perfumery, pianos, quicksilver, raisins, 
rice, rigging, salt, satin goods, shoes and boots, silks, sil- 
ver coin and bars, soap, steel, straw goods, sugar, tea, tin, 
tobacco, umbrellas and parasols, velvets, watches, wax, 
wines, and wool shawls. The following table gives the 
quantities of sugar, coffee, tea, and iron imported from 
1844 to 1855: 

Sugar^ 
Years. arrohas. 

1844, - - 245,217 

1845, - - 330,307 

1846, - - 607,427 

1847, - - 511,837 

1848, - - 413,956 

1849, - - 227,097 

1850, - - 508,281 

1851, - - 850,729 

1852, - - 730,757 

1853, - - 711,635 

1854, - - 731,427 

1855, - - 1,513,815 



Cofee, 




Iroiij 


cwt. 


Tea, Ihs. 


ciot. 


1,939 


26,713 


38,600 


1,722 


31,552 


52,963 


1,941 


25,227 


18,991 


921 


33,728 


14,968 


2,064 


49,568 


32,989 


1,447 


53,032 


43,956 


2,737 


36,513 


58,969 


1,670 


80,447 


38,842 


4,188 104,207 115,835 


3,069 


65,895 


14,176 


2,954 


89,960 


52,859 


4,518 112,264 155,740 



28 

The imports of sugar into Valparaiso from January 1 
to August 15, 1858, were 336,926 arrohas of 125 pounds 
each, and the stock on hand at the latter period was 
94,000 arrohas. 

The exports to England were, in 1854, £1,380,563; 
in 1855, £1,925,271; and in 1856, £1,700,776. The 
imports of English produce were, in 1852, £1,167,494; in 
1853, £1,264,942; in 1854, £1,421,855; in 1855, £1,- 
330,385; and in 1856, £1,946,010 The imports of for- 
eign and colonial produce from England were, in 1854, 
£43,589; in 1855, Z5Qfi%S', and in 1856, £64,492. The 
English exports to Chile in the half-year ending June 30, 
1858, were £602,956, showing a decrease of £120,492 
compared with the same period of 1857. The exports of 
Chili to France were $218,000 in 1851, $250,000 in 1852, 
$240,000 in 1853, $650,000 in 1854, and $930,000 
in 1855. The imports from France were $4,800,000 
in 1851, $3,550,000 in 1852, $4,400,000 in 1853, $4,- 
000,000 m 1854, and $5,600,000 in 1855. The commer- 
cial intercourse of Chili with the United States has been 
very variable. In the earlier years of Californian emigra- 
tion she sent large quantities of flour, grain, and lumber 
to that State, and took freely of our goods in return. 
Since that time her exports to this country have contin- 
ued in large amount, but she receives little except money 
in return, the balances being mostly settled in Europe, 
where she is a debtor. The following table shows the 
amount of her commerce with the United States for seve- 
ral years: 





EXPORTS. 


I 


MPORTS. 


1849, 


- $3,589,888 


1849, - 


- $1,100,345 


1850, 


4,012,612 


1850, 


1,911,479 


1851, 


- 3,515,235 


1851, - 


- 4,594,211 


1852, 


2,062,160 


1852, 


2,048,836 


1853, 


- 2,214,153 


1853, - 


- 2,157,320 


1856, 


2,467,819 


1856, 


276,389 


1857, 


- • - 3,742,349 


1857, - 


433,957 



The following table of a more recent date shows how 
little the commercial intercourse between Chili and the 
United States has increased, or, rather, how greatly it has 
diminished since the late civil war in this country: 



29 



Foreign Imports in 1864 and 1865. 



white and 



Eice 
Sugar, raw^ 

brown 
Sugar, refined . 
Coal . 
Kerseymere 
Beer 

Cotton drilling . 
White shirtings 
Mixed goods 
Bagging stufis 
Woollen shawls 
Cloths. 
Prints 

Ready made clothing 
Empty bags . 
Straw hats 
Cottons 
Paraguay tea . 

^^ If our merchants 



Imports from 
1864. 1865. the U.S. 

$ 41,781 464 



.$103,159 

644,027 

958,746 
. 84,695 

311,452 
. 135,316 

394,786 
. 966,833 

444,203 
. 335,686 

283,139 
. 177,811 

688,767 
. 232,813 
. 253,967 

173,419 
. 419,276 

535,177 

said the able 



614.564 
1,312,026 
156,802 
304,053 
132,865 
388,540 
1^021,397 
395,124 
339,474 
107,826 
182,941 
599,693 
161,159 
236,364 
143,640 
394,329 
343,459 



1,652 

184,904 
240 
236 

None. 



newspaper, already 
referred to, commenting on these extraordinary figures, 
"let this growing trade of Chili rest in English hands, 
they will show themselves less wise and less enterprising 
than they are reputed to be. There is no reason, with 
our ports on the Pacific side, why w^e should not do almost 
the whole 'of the carrying trade of Chili ; and certainly 
we ought, in the next two or three years, to quadruple our 
commerce with that country, which is, as we have already 
shown, one of the most thriving in South America.'' 

It is a very singular fact, that the blockade of Chili^ 
in the last four months of 1865, far from lessening the 
exportation of the products of the country, has increased 
them to a wonderful extent, as shown by the following sta- 
tistics which one of the leading papers of New York (the 
" Evening Post,'' of February 27) has lately published, 
with an appropriate commentary upon the immense quan- 
tity of provisions furnished by the fertility of Chili to the 
markets of the world: 



30 





1S64:.— Kilos. 


1865.-^^^05. 


Barley. 


. 15,462,293 


20,728.743 


Jerked beef 


313,778 


484,213 


BeaQs 


735,219 


2,348,208 


Indian corn 


162,791 


2,371,242 


Flour 


. 24,164,638 


36,878,041 


Wheat 


. 52,16,124 


13,763,316 



To complete this review of the comoierce of Chili, we 
have only to add that the mercantile navy comprised sev- 
eral hundred ships, which, immediately after the war 
broke out, temporarily changed their flag, to resume in 
proper time their nationality. From the report of the 
Secretary of State in the marine department, presented to 
the Chilian Congress August 4, 1858, it appears that the 
mercantile navy of Chili, which in 1848 consisted of only 
105 vessels, tonnage, 12,628, numbers at present 269 ves- 
sels, tonnage 62,209; showing an increase in ten years of 
164 vessels, and of 49,581 tons. The coast trade of the 
Chilian flag exclusively presents the progressive increase 
shown in the following table: 

Years. 

1853, 

1854, - 

1855, - , - 

1856, - 

1857, 
1858, - 

In the province of Chiloe 1,958 small vessels were (Au- 
gust 4, 1858) employed in domestic traffic, with a crew of 
9,000 men. 

The following table shows the navigation of Chili in 
1857: 

No. of No. of 



^^essels. 


Tonnage. 


109 
115 


20,247 
21,116 


153 


29,694 


166 
180 
196 


35,077 
37,985 
40,402 



Ports. 
Caldera, 


entered. 


Tonnage. 


sailed. 


Tonnage. 


Huasco, 
Coquimbo, 
Herradura, 
Papudo, - 
Valparaiso, - 
Tuman and Llico, 


292 
204 

1,117 


86,732 
49,909 

351,836 


309 
198 

1,093 


94,665 
48,615 

335,436 



31 

No. of / No. of 

Vessels Vessels 

Ports. entered. Tonnage. sailed. Tonnage. 

Constitucion, - 184 31,151 188 31,337 

Curaiiipe, - 13 1,092 13 1,052 

Talcahuano, - 273 83,196 287 83,974 

Tome, - 180 44,366 180 44,376 

Penco, - - 33 7,310 33 7,310 

Lirquen, - 13 2,547 13 2,547 

Coronel, - - 114 30,511 102 40,718 

Lota, - 133 39,594 135 40,375 

Corral, - - 96 27,101 94 26,244 

Ancud, - 137 41,986 140 42.873 



2,789 797,341 2,785 799,542 
To which should 
be added for oth- 
er ports, say, - 125 40,000 120 37,000 



Total, - 2,914 837,341 2,905 836,542 

Finally, the number of vessels which entered and sailed 
from the ports of Chili in 1864, and their tonnage, is 
shown by the following figures : 

Entered, 2830 vessels, with 1,011,702 tons. 

Sailed, 2811 " " 994,184 '' 



Total, 5641 2,005,886 



PEOaEESS OF STEAM NAVIGATION. 

In the good old times of the Spaniards, when Chili was 
to America, more or less, what Spain is now to Europe, 
there was only a yearly direct communication with the 
mother country, when el cajon del Bey, {the King's box) 
was received with due ceremony, containing a few hun- 
dreds of letters from merchants or relatives abroad. To- 
day a single Company on the coast of Chili possesses no 
less than eighteen splendid steamers, with an aggregate 
tonnage of quite as many thousands. We do not believe, 
indeed, that there is in Europe or the United States a 
company possessing so large a number of ships, except, 



32 

perhaps, that of the Messageries Imperiales in the Medi- 
terranean. 

The first attempt to introduce steam navigation in Chili 
was made, in 1835, by the well-known and enterprising 
Mr. Wheelwrio^ht, an American citizen from Newburyport, 
R. I. Mr. Wheelwright was to establish a line of two 
small steamers, of three hundred tons each, under certain 
conditions. But it was not until 1840 that he was able 
to carry out his enterprise, establishing a northerly com- 
munication between Valparaiso and Panama with two 
little steamers built in England, the Chili and the Perij, 
That was the humble beginning of the now prosperous 
and gigantic Pacific Steam Navigation Company. 

It is a rather singular fact that this enterprise, having 
originated in an American merchant, has been developed 
entirely through English capital and English skill, to the 
■ continued exclusion of American interest, which says but 
little in favor of the energy and clearsightedness of the 
great Commodores of the United States. 

The first voyage of the English steamers between Val- 
paraiso and Panama took place, to the great delight of the 
inhabitants along the whole Pacific coast, in October, 1840. 
Eight years afterwards (January, 1847), four steamers 
commenced to run between those two and the intermediate 
ports, and later, (in May, I860,) a weekly communication 
was established between Valparaiso and Callao, touching at 
the following ports: — Tongoy, Coquimbo, Huasco, Carri- 
zal, Caldera, (jhanaral and Taltal, in Chili ; Cobija and 
Tocopilla in Bolivia ; Yquique, Mejillones, Pisagua, Ari- 
ca, Ylo, Islay, Quilca, Chala, Pisco and the Chincha 
Islands in Peru. 

At the same time the flourishing Company succeeded in 
establishing a new line of steamers from Valparaiso, south- 
ward, as far as Valdivia (1853), and afterwards to Puerto 
Montt (1858), receiving a subsidy of $40,000 yearly 
from the Chilian Government, as a liberal or rather prod- 
igal encouragement for that remunerative service. 

The Company now receives a heavy subsidy from th 
English Government; the post-office of Chili pays a fixed 
sum of $16,8CO yearly for the carrying of the mails, with- 
out taking into consideration a fixed postage paid to the 
Company on the letters; and besides all these advantages, it 
possesses another and greater, viz.: a monopoly — its man- 



33 

agers having had the foresight and wisdom to buy off all 
rival enterprises, particularly those attempted on a*small 
scale between the United States and Chili. 

The Pacific Steam Navigatic .1 Company deserves much 
credit for the skill, energy and liberality with which it 
has been kept up and improved. But the commerce of 
Chile and Peru has always looked with anxiety for the 
benefits of competition, principally from the American 
side, and there has always existed an unheeded but just 
complaint, on the part of South American travelers, 
that no attention is paid to their peculiar habits and tastes, 
everything on board the steamers— the ioodj hours for meals, 
night regulations, and above all, the independent brusque- 
ness of the petty officers — being those of the most stringent 
old English style, so th^it it often ha,ppens that there are 
fifty or a hundred Chilian or Peruvian passengers who are 
obliged^ to fare entirely in the English fashion, so little 
acceptaole to meridional palates, while there are few or 
perhaps no English on board. 

In this respect there is, undoubte'dly, great need of re- 
form and improvement, but in every other, the English 
Company, for the capacity and quality of its vessels, the 
regularity and punctuality of the service, the professional 
merits of the commanders and officers, leaves nothing to 
be desired. 

At present the Company possesses eightqen ships, and 
every year three or four new ones are launched in Eng-^ 
land and added to the line. The beautiful steamers San- 
tiago, Limena, and Pacific, are of 2,000 tons each, and 
were built in Liverpool in 1865. Of the balance, there are 
seven with a tonnage of from 1,000 to 1,800 tons, and 
eight with a varied tonnage of from 200 to 1,000 tons. 
The aggregate capacity of the fleet is 17,956 tons. 

The number of passengers transported by this line in 
1861, between Valparaiso and Panamd, was, 7,263, of 
which 1,997 were cabin passengers, and 5,266 steerage. 

But this number, during the subsequent years, has been 
more than doubled, and of course the transportation of 
troops, which forms a heavy item of revenue, particularly 
in Peru, is not included in the above number. In 1860, 
the sum of $18,000 was paid by President Castillo for the 
transportation of a single battalion of infantry from Gruay- 
aquil to Callao. Lately, in 1865, a little steamer, be- 



34 

longing to the Company, was chartered on account of the 
Chilian Government, to carry the news of the sailing of 
the Spanish fleet from Callao to Chili, for $7,000. The 
Paita, the swiftest of the steamers on the line, was char- 
tered from Callao to Paita, in November last, for the 
sum of $15,000, to carry important despatches, and 
performed that service in thirty hours, at an expense, per-, 
haps, of two or three thousand dollars. Another steamer, 
the Quito, now the Ohalaco, which cost the company from 
$250,000 to $300,000, was sold, after a good deal of ser- 
vice to the Peruvian Government for $600,000. 

Another source of profit to the Company is the service 
of the mails. 

The number of letters transported during the last five 
years (1859, 1863) shows, in a manner not at all flatter- 
ing to the United States, how slight her intercourse with 
Chile has been as compared with that of other countries. 



Years, 


Europe, 


U. States. 


1859 


^8,961 letters 


1,981 


1860 


31,429 " 


2,136 


1861 


34,121 " 


2,615 


1862 


39,948 " 


2,780 


1863 


36,903 " 


2,769 



About the profits on freight, which yields by far the 
greater part of the revenue of the Company, there can be 
no perfect knowledge; but the profits must be enormous, 
particularly if we consider the large dividends paid to the 
shareholders, which, with a reticence worthy of the American 
system of keeping the public ignorant of all transactions 
for which the public nevertheless have to pay, are religiously 
kept secret. 

Nevertheless, some idea of this extraordinary business 
may be had from the following facts : 

In 1851, a few merchants of Valparaiso formed a Com- 
pany under the name of i^a Sociedad Anonima del Paquete 
del Maule, with a capital of $74,000, for the purpose of 
running a little steamer between some of the intermediate 
ports of Chili south of Valparaiso. 

The steamer Paquete del Maule made her first trip 
on the line about the middle of 1861, and eighteen months 
aiterwards (December, 1862), the shareholders divided a 



35 

profit of $11,000, after putting aside a reserve fund of 
$10,000. Six months afterwards (Jan. 30, 1863), a new 
dividend of $17,760 was paid, thus making, in little more 
than two years, a net profit of $38,760, or 32.38 per ceut. 
of the capital. 

Now, comparing the capital, the extent of the line, the 
priviliges, the subvention, and, above all, the monopoly of 
the English company, some faint idea may be arrived 
at of the splendid inducements offered, by the South Pa- 
cific trade to the enterprizing capitalists of the United 
States, engaged in supporting rival lines on the north side 
of that ocean. 

The Governments of Chili and Peril have always offer- 
ed the most liberal terms to new companies for the establish- 
ing steam navigation in the Pacific. In 1853, Mr. Henry 
Griffin obtained the promise of a subvention of $60,000, 
durinoj the term of ten years, for a line of steamers which 
was to make eight voyages annually between Valparaiso 
and Liverpool round Cape Horn, or rather through the staits 
of Magellans. 

Lately (1865), the Chilian Congress sanctioned a law to 
appropriate $100,000 yearly to encourage another enter- 
prize of the same kind, gotten up by French and English 
capitalists. But the war with Spain has put a temporary 
check to this important enterprise which will give new life 
to the prosperous English (not American) steam naviga- 
tion companies in the Pacific. 

The following table gives the tariff of passage by the 
Pacific Steam Navigation Company, together with the 
maritime distances between the several ports visited by its 
steamers. The average of the tariff" per mile is 7 cents for 
passengers, $1.42 per ton for freight between Panama and 
Valparaiso, according to the following table : 

TACIFIC STEAM NAVIGATION COMPANY'S PASSAGE TARIFF. 



Ports south of 






Valparaiso. 


Distances in 


Passage, 


From Valparaiso to 


maritime miles. - 


Ist Class. 


Tome, . . . 


240 


$25 


Talcahuano 


248 


25 


Lota y Coronel, 


238 


30 


Corral, . . . 


465 


30 


Ancud, . . . 


603 


55 


Puerto-Moutt, 


663 


60 



36 



PACIFIC STEAM NAYIGATION COMPANY'S PASSAGE TARIFF. 



Ports north of 
Valpar.riso. 


Distances in 




Passage. 




Freight 


From Valparaiso to 


maritime miles. 


1st Class. 


2d Class. 


steerage. 


per ton. 


Tongoy, . . 


175 


$15 


$12 


$4 


$6 


Coquimbo, . 


195 


15 


12 


4 


6 


Haasco, . . . 


293 


18 


15 


5 


6 


Carrizal Baja, 


316 


20 


17 


6 


8 


Caldera, . . 


388 


20 


17 


6 


6 


Chanaral . . 


433 


25 


22 


8 


8 


Taltal, . , 


498 


25 


22 


8 




Cobija, 


676 ' 


55 


50 


15 


10 


Tocopilla, 


705 


59 


54 


17 


12 


Iquique, . . 


820 


70 


65 


18 


10 . 


Pisagua, . . 


856 


70 


65 


20 


12 


Arica, . . 


926 


70 


65 


20 


10 


Ilo, . . . 


. 1007 


80 


75 


24 


12 


Islay, . . 


. 1067 


80 


75 ■ 


24 


10 


Ghala, . . 


1209 


85 


80 


25 


12 


Pisco, . . 


1400 


90 


85 


26 


12 


Chinchas, 


1410 


90 


85 


26 


12 


Callao, . 


. 1516 


95 


90 


28 


10 


Payta, . . 


2026 


125 


120 


36 


12. 


Guayaquil, , 


2236 


135 


126 


38 


12 


Panama . 


. 3071 


230 


220 


60 


18 



AaRICULTURE. 



The agriculture of Chili forms the greater part of the 
wealth of the nation; and it not only maintains a robust 
people, who live cheaply and comfortably, but, owing to 
the low prices of food, affords facilities for working, at a 
small expense, mines that otherwise would not be produc- 
tive. The immense exportation of mineral products 
depends chiefly upon the agricultural resources of 
the country, and at the same time yields from the 
exportation of its principal articles, viz., flour and wheat, 
an amount of several millions. 

The husbandry of the country was not, up to within 
the last ten years, of the highest character. The soil of 



37 

the arable portions is very fertile, and will yield, even of 
the cereals, from thirty to sixty fold; but, with the excep- 
tion of a tolerably skilful system of irrigation, the farmers 
and planters were ignorant of improved methods of agri- 
culture. Their ploughs were the rudest and most uncouth 
instruments imao^inable, only scratching the earth to the 
depth of two or three inches; of subsoiling, the application 
of manures, underdraining, and the rotation of crops, 
they knew nothing; and the stubborn adherence of the 
peons, like that of ignorant laborers everywhere, to old 
methods, handed down from one generation to another, was 
a most effectual barrier to any considerable improvement. 
Still, with all these drawbacks, so fertile is the soil, and so 
much is it enriched by the detritus brought down by the 
mountain streams, that agriculture is a very profitable 
pursuit. 

Lately, however, great improvements have been intro- 
duced, particularly by wealthy farmers who have visited 
Europe, and enterprising young men who have devoted 
themselves to the study of practical as well as scientific 
agriculture, both at home and abroad. 

As far back as 1842, a normal agricultural college was 
established by the Government at Yungay, a suburb of San- 
tiago, and has been carried on up to the present day, at 
an expense of nearly $130,000. Improved cattle, splen- 
did breeds of horses, all kinds of foreign trees, 
shrubbery and grasses, agricultural implements of every 
description, and machinery, have been obtained by that 
useful institution, and have afterwards found their way to 
the large farms, the chacras, and the quintas. 

Several manufacturers of agricultural implements, both 
in England and the United States, have sent their agents 
to Chili with successful results. The agent of the well- 
known Pitt's thrashing-machine succeeded in setting up 
thirty or forty steam engines in less than six months, iu 
the latter part of 1858 ; and there is now in Valparaiso an 
American house (Rose, Innes & Co.) which makes a busi- 
ness of importing agricultural implements to the amount 
of several hundred thousand dollars yearly. 

The farms are usually very large, frequently comprising 
several thousand acres, and herds of cattle, five, ten or twenty 
thousand in number, are pastured on the elevated plains 
and tended by the rough Jmasos, till the period for their 



38 

slaughter arrives. The hacendados, or planters, usually 
reside in the cities, leaving their plantations under the care 
of iDayordomos or overseers, and only visit them occa- 
sionally. The largest plantations in the country are those 
of La Compania and Las Canteras, the latter with an 
area of over 200,000 acres. Smaller estates are called 
chacras and also haciendas, and the small farms are called 
quinta. The daily v^^ages of laborers vary from twenty-five 
cents to thirty-seven cents, and in harvest time amount to 
fifty cents. In the northern part of the country, the people 
are far more industrious than in the southern region, where 
few laborers are to be found above the age of twenty-two. 
As soon as the young men marry in the southern provinces 
they yearn for independence, and live upon a little patch of 
land, which is generally presented to them by the planters. 
This class of laborers are attached to the plantation, and 
are called inquilinos. In return for this the land and 
accommodation granted to them, they are bound to assist 
the planter during the rodeos (cattle fair) and the trillas 
(threshing season). 

A laa'ge part of the soil of CbiU is uncultivated ] 
but, when capable of tillage, is so fertile, and yields 
crops so abundant, that large quantities of cereals and 
meats are exported, as already seen, to Australia, Peru, 
England, and other countries. The two provinces of 
Atacama and Coquirnbo, do not grow a sufficiency 
of grain or cattle for home consumption ; but the 
other thirteen not only supply themselves and these, 
but exported in 1850 $2,693,545 worth of cereals, and 
in 1857 $2,242,354. The wheat crop of 1850 was 
estimated at 11,250,000 bushels; the number of horned 
cattle at 1,125,000, and 281,250 were slaughtered that 
year. Charqui, or beef dried in the sun, forms a consider- 
able article of export, as well as of home consumption. — 
Santiago, Valparaiso, Concepcion, Nuble, and Chilo6 are 
the provinces which export the largest quantity of agri- 
cultural products. The principal grains grown are wheat, 
barley, oats, and maize; rye does well, but is not grown, 
because there is no demand for it. Beans are a very large 
and important crop, and peas are extensively cultivated. 
In the southern provinces, potatoes of excellent quality- 
are raised. Nuble, Concepcion, Valdivia, and Chiloe pro- 
duce large quantities of timber and lumber. 



39 

According to the last agricultural statistics of the coun- 
try, the quantity oi fanegas of corn and vegetables pro- 
duced (every fanega being equivalent to three bushels), 
was in 1862, as follows : — 

Fanegas. 

Wheat, . . . ■ . 3,161,722 

Oats, . . . , . 555,991 

Maize, . . . . . 212,989 

Beans, 236,607 

Lentils, 3,276 

Peas, . . . . . 56,524 

Potatoes, . , . . 1,150,122 

The quantity of liquors and wines produced by 
the famous vines of the several provinces in 1861, is 
estimated in the following figures by arrohas, a liquid 
measure equivalent to more or less than four quarts of the 
English system: 

Arrobas. 

Chiloe, - - - - - 5,632 

Llanquihue, - - - 26,633 

Valdivia, - - • - - - 44,827 

Arauco, - - - - 89,152 

Concepcion, - . - - - 301,926 

Nuble, - - - . 133,306 

Maule, 163,858 

Talca, - - . - 104,996 

Colchagua, - - - . 194,689 

Valparaiso, - - - - 64,132 

Santiago, - - - _ 292,309 

Aconcagua, - - - - "* 162,586 

Coquimbo, ... - 50,422 

Atacama, - - - - 12,245 



Total, - - . - 1,656,703 

The great diversity of climate, from the sunny and se- 
rene tropical valleys of the north to the moist hills of Con- 
cepcion, produces such a variety of grapes that all the 
famous wines of Europe can be easily manufactured, from 
the lacrima Christy^ which is made from the vineyards of 
Mount Etna in Sicily, to the light claret wines of Bor- 
deaux, or the stronger red wine of Portugal. During the 



M 

last ten years the manufacture of home wines has been in- 
troduced, and they are drunk by the inhabitants in 
preference even to the legitimate wines exported from the 
south of France. The laborers themselves will soon 
abandon the old, tasteless and unwholesome chicha for the 
common wine, which is being manufactured in large 
quantities in the neighbourhood of Santiago, and at a very 
low price. 

MINES. 

After agriculture, the great sources of the wealth of 
Chili, are its famous mines of gold, silver and copper. 
But having taken sufficient notice of their products in the 
second part of this pamphlet, we have now only to point out 
a few figures showing the locations and extensions of the 
principal mines. 

In 1862, the principal mines worked in the several 
provinces were the following: 

Provinces. Gold. Silver. Copper. 

Atacama, . 247 994 

Coquimbo, .... , 18 34 338 

Aconcagua, 8 . 9 228 

Concepcion, . . . , 12 

Santiago, 12 9 67 

Valparaiso, .... 3 3 42 

Colchagua, .... 7 3 21 

Talca, 5 



55 305 1,710 

The mines of the Cordilleras of the coast have proved 
productive, in the province of Santiago, of silver and 
gold. The latter metal is worked in veins associated with 
the sulnhurets of lead, zinc, copper, and iron, four leagues 
from Rancagua, and is also collected in the deposits of the 
streams. The inaccessibility of the mining districts, and 
the presence of hostile Indians, check the working of the 
gold mines; so that the annual production of the whole 
country is not rated at more than $500,000. The silver 
mines, though once extensively worked, are now for the 
most part abandoned for the richer mines of Copiapo. 
This province likewise affords some cobalt and nickel, 
veins of the arsenical ores having been worked for several 
years near the mountain called Cerro del Volcan, and their 



41 

products shipped to England. Copper mines are found 
along the course of the granitic and metamorphic rocks of 
the coast range and western spurs of the Andes from San- 
tiago to the northern extremity of the country. This belt 
indeed abounds in metallic riches throughout its extent, 
even to Bolivia and Perii; but though lead, iron, bismuth, 
antimony, arsenic, zinc, and manganese are found, they 
are esteemed of no value, and the only mines worked are 
of the other metals named, and also to some extent of cin- 
nabar. The importance of this ore is, however, greatly 
reduced by the cheap production of mercury in California. 
Lately, discoveries of immense quantities of copper have 
been found in that part of the desert of Atacama which be- 
longs to Chili. Several smelting establishments have been 
built by foreign mercantile houses, and principally by a very 
enterprising and respectable Chilian, Don Jose Antonio Mo- 
reno, who died lately in Santiago, leaving an immenes 
fortune, of which he made a very patriotic and liberal use. 
The desert of Atacama, by its guano fields near Meji- 
llones and elsewhere, and its inexhaustible veins of metals, 
will prove in future a source of revenue to Chile as abundant 
as that of her immense southern fields of bituminous coals. 

COAL AND COAL FIELDS. 

The coal beds of the province of Concepcion, were 
known as early as the year 1825. In 1834 they were 
examined by Mr. Wheelwright, Superintendent of the 
South Pacific Steam Navigation Company. In 1841 the 
formation was traced between Talcahuano and Valparaiso, 
and mines were soon after opened at the former locality. 
Coal has also been found in abundance near the mouth 
of the Laraqueto, and the beds are visible in the cliffs from 
vessels sailing along the coast. The most productive mines 
are in the districts of Coronel and Lot'a, the latter thirty 
miles south of the Biobio, in the province of Concepcion. 
About three thousand miners are employed, and the 
average annual produce is estimated at about seven 
hundred thousand tons, worth about seven dollars 
per ton. The coal beds are contained in strata supposed 
to be of the tertiary formation ; and though the coal 
of this age is never so good as that of the true coal 
measures, that of Chili is found to answer for steam and 
domestic purposes. Prof. W. R. Johnson examined some 



42 

specimens said to be from the province of Arauco, which 
he describes in vol i. of the " Proceedings'' of the Acade- 
my of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, as of dull or 
pitchy black color, and nearly related in external appear- 
ance, to many of the richest bituminous coals, of America 
and Europe. By analysis they afforded 67.62 per cent, of 
carbon, showing a decided superiority over the ordinary 
brown coal of the tertiary. Keports of examinations of 
other coals of the region represent, however, a percentage 
of carbon not exceeding 40, and the presence of much 
iron pyrites. Coal is imported from England in large 
quantities for the use of steamers, and for smelting ores. 
The largest coal works, managed by the most perfect Eng- 
lish system, and established at an expense of nearly a million 
of dollars, belong to Mr. Luis Cousino, who inherited them a 
few years ago from his worthy father, Don Matias Cou- 
sino, a man who devoted his life and capital to the ad- 
vancement of his country, and died in the prime of life. 
Mr. Cousino, as well as Mr. Moreno and Mr. Urmeneta, 
(the wealthy proprietor of the copper mines of Tamaya), 
deserve the gratitude of their countrymen for their gener- 
ous efforts to improve and develop the industry of the 
country. 

KAIL WAYS AND KOADS. 

Chili is, perhaps, the South American country which 
presents the greatest difficulties for the making of 
•good freighting roads and railways, and at the same time 
possesses the most of both. In 1862 there were not less 
than five railroads, comprising a distance of five hundred 
and forty- three kilometres, and three hundred and sixty-five 
broad roads, comprising fourteen thousand and thirty-one 
kilometres. 

Lately, not less than five hundred miles of railways 
have been completed, and in order to connect the whole 
extent of the country, through the central valleys from 
Copiapo, southward to Concepcion, no less than one thou- 
sand miles are to be constructed, and already a part of this 
in process of construction, under scientific study and survey. 
. Having stated, in the latter part of this work, the loca- 
tion of the principal railroads, for which we refer the 
reader to the accompanying Map, we now proceed to give 
some interesting facts about the length, cost, progress and 
results of those enterprises. 



43 

The following table for 1863, shows the extent, in kilo- 
metres, of the railways in the country (1st column), the 
absolute cost in dollars of each (2d column), and the 
relative cost per kilometre (3d column): 

Cost per 
Kilo. Cost. Kilo. 

From Valparaiso to Santiago, - 183.98 10,834,798 59,020 

From Santiago to San Fernando, - 133.57 5,526,000 41,370 

From Ouldera to Pabellon - - 119.05 2.960,000 24,860 

From Pabellon to Olianarcillo, - 41.75 1,000,000 23,952 

From Coquimbo to las Cardas, - 64.61 1,040,000 16,000 

542.96 21,360,798 39,341 
The number of passengers who traveled on the several 
lines in 1863, was 754,760, according to the annexed 
figures : 

First class passengers, . . . 124,436 

Second " " ... 436,848 

Third " " . . ... 193,476 

754,760 

The produce of the several lines was $1,726,434, of 
which $615,076 were paid by passengers, and $1,111,358 
for freight. 

The whole extent of the lines of communication by land 
(taking into consideration only the cartable roads) and by 
rivers, amounted, in 1863, to 16,039 kilometres and were 
distributed in the several provinces, as shown in the fol- 
lowing table: 

Provinces. Roads. Rivers.. Railways. ' 

Chilo6 . . . 37 ■ 

Llanquihue . . 76 291 

Yaldivia . . 119 472 

Arauco . . . 2,190 452 

Concepcion . . 1,434 171 

Nuble . . . 388 152 

Maule . . . 550 99 

Talca . . . 777 94 

Colchagua . . . 1,636 51.50 

Santiago, . . 2,680 145.88 

Valparaiso ... 312 92.22 

Aconcagua . . 161 27.98 

Coquimbo . ' . 466 64.61 

Atacama . . 3,242 160.80 



Total . . 14,031 1,466 542.96 



44 
MANUFACTURES. 

Chili has given but little attention to manufactures. 
The Government has, within a few years, endeavored to 
introduce them by offering exclusive privileges to manu- 
facturers for a term of years, but with little success. 
Apart from the manufacture of common cloth, which, 
though woven in the rudest looms, possesses some qualities 
which the French and English goods have never been able 
to attain, and the coarser kinds of work in gold, silver, 
copper and iron, the very imperfect tanning of a small 
quantity of leather, and the simpler processes of the soap- 
boiler and candle-mak^r, the production of lumber, and 
the preservation of dried meats, there is little that can be 
called manufacturing in the country. 

Nevertheless, there were^ in 1863, no less .than 132 
steam engines, with an accumulated force of 9,970 horse 
power, equivalent to a force of 69,790 man power. Of 
those engines, 3 were employed in saw-mills, 13 in dis- 
tilling liquors, 2 in blowing, furnaces, 6 in flour mills, and 
14 in coal mines. There is in Santiago a large manufac- 
tory of cloths in the French plan, and another of cotton 
goods in Valparaiso. 

LATE PROGRESS OF CHILI. 

Chili has ever been known as the steadiest, most pros- 
•perous and best governed of the South American coun- 
tries. Although the revenue is not large, it is so econom- 
ically and faithfully managed that all the branches of the 
public service are kept in perfect order. Public education, 
religious worship, the army, the navy, the public build- 
ings, the roads, the preservation of harbors and light- 
houses, the proper working' of the mines, the protection 
afforded to manufactures, agriculture, and to public 
charities, the encouragement offered to emigration, the 
subsidies paid for internal or foreign steam navigation, 
and particularly the construction of telegraphic lines 
throughout the whole extent of the country, and of mag- 
nificent and costly railways, are attended to and paid 
for freely from the public funds or credit of the republic. 

Slavery is prohibited by law, all traffic in it forbid- 
den, and every person who treads the soil is declared free. 



45 

According to the report of the war department, presented 
to Congress, August 4, 1858, the standing army amounted 
to 2,193 men, being 463 less than the number required by 
law, and not including 469 pensioners and 48 military 
scholars. The officers of the army consist of 4 generals of 
division, 8 brigadier-generals, 6 colonels, 27 lieut.-colonelSy 
48 majors, 100 captains, 18 adjutants, 64 lieutenants, and 
74 ensigns; total, 349. The existing police force amounted 
to 2,323 men, requiring for their support an annual ex- 
pense of $461,449. An increase of 771 men, with an ex- 
pense of $128,002 is proposed. The civic guard or militia 
consists of 40,466 men, viz. — 682 artillery, 24,331 infan- 
try, and 15,453 cavalry; the marine, of 2 corvettes, 3 
brigan tines, 1 frigate, and 1 war steamer, the whole 
mounting 71 cannon. 

Lately, the differential duties on goods from the United 
States, Grreat Britain, Brazil, and other principal commer- 
cial countries, have been abolished, A new tariff was 
introduced May 8, 1851, and amended in 1865. Under^ 
Montt's administration, a ciyil code has been given to 
Chili, tribunals of commerce established, a discount and 
deposit bank founded in Valparaiso, and a bank to advance 
money on real estate, opened January 1, 1856. 

The Mint of Santiago, which is considered the finest 
public building in South America, having cost upwards of 
a million of dollars, emitted in gold and silver coin, from 
January 1, 1850, to January 1, 1858, $18,103,877, com- 
prising in this sum the recoinage of the old money exclud- , 
ed from circulation. In August, 1858, the amount emit- 
ted was about $61,000. To create a greater abundance of 
the circulating medium, a measure had been recently in- 
troduced into the legislature, authorizing the executive to 
purchase gold and silver bullion at the prices current in 
the market. A further relief in the money market was 
expected from another measure pending before Congress, 
authorizing Grovernment to warrant the bills of the Ore- 
dito Sipotecario, and to modify this institution. Efforts 
to promote the prosperity of the country are visible in 
every direction. The most prominent project before Con- 
gress was the establishment of towing steamers in the 
Straits of Magellan, and its accomplishment would bring 
Chili one thousand five hundred miles nearer to Europe, 
America, the West Indies, Brazil, and to almost all the other 



46 

countries of the globe. Government has authorized the 
foundation of an anonymous society for mutual insurance 
against fire, under the name of the Union Chilena. The 
establishment of a Chilian Lloyd was contemplated, and a 
chamber of commerce was created at Valparaiso. Foreign 
skill is liberally used. Engineers and artillery instructors 
have been sent from France, and the metallic life boats of 
Francis from the United States. The merchants of Valpa- 
raiso proposed to devote $250,000 per annum to the estab- 
lishment of steamers connecting that city with Moate Video 
and Buenos Ayres, and there was every probability of the 
realization of this project. Agriculture was beginning also 
to receive a fuller share of attention. In order to prevent 
the scarcity of breadstuffs, felt at the end of 1856, owing to 
an excess of exportation agricultural statistical offices were 
to be organised in the provinces, noticing beforehand the 
approximate consumption of grain in each locality, record- 
ing its annual production, so as to make it easy to take in 
time preventive measures to remove an extreme scarcity. 

The construction of a powerful breakwater to protect the 
harbour of Valparaiso from the north winds, has been plan- 
ned by order of the Government, and it is believed that it 
will be carried out at the expense of ten millions of dollars. 
The Construction of another breakwater on the left bank 
of the river Oachapoal was proposed. New regulations 
for the sale of Indian lands in the State of Arauco had 
been brought forward, with the view of civilizing this 
State and of putting a stop to the collisions with the In= 
dians on the frontier. Thus we find the utmost zeal pre- 
vailing to push on the progress of the country. Nor were 
charitable works neglected. Beside other institutions in 
various parts of the country, there were in Santiago forty- 
seven sisters of charity, intrusted with the management of 
the several establishments in that city, independently of a 
central home, wherein one hundred and fifty girls are edu- 
cated. Four sisters of Providence were to take charge of 
of the Concepcion foundling hospital. In the Santiago 
lunatic asylum, ninety-six patients were accommodated in 
August, 1858. 

Among the newspapers, we noticed the Mercurio, of 
Valparaiso, the oldest of South American papers; the 
Patria, of the same city, a remarkably well edited liberal 
paper ; the Independiente^ an able organ of the clergy in * 



47 

Santiago and the Ferrocarril, undoubtedly tlie most 
influential and widely-circulated journal in South America. 
Almost every town has one or two papers, and the print- 
ing of books, particularly school books, is quite a flour- 
ishing trade. The first printing office was established in 
Chili in 1812, by an American of the name of HoeveL 

According to the able wiiter of the article '^ Chili," 
in the New American Cydopoedia, out of which much 
of this description has been extracted, suffering the neces- 
sary corrections, the Chilians " are more enterprising than 
the inhabitants of most of the South American States, 
ane the hacendados, or planters, and merchants often ac- 
cumulate large amounts of property. With the excep- 
tion of those destined for the learned professions, they 
have generally but little education. The men are usually 
robust, and although to the casual observer would appear 
wanting in muscular development, Lieut Gilliss affirms 
that they possess much more strength than the men of other 
nations. He was more than once surprised by seeing men 
far from robust in appearance, take a load of 350 to 400 
lbs., and trot off with it for half a mile without complaint. 
The women have fuller and rounder figures, and are gen- 
erally pretty. They seem to have more intelligence and 
higher aspirations for intellectual culture than the rougher 
sex.''' 

EMiaKATION AND COLONIZATION. 

Having given in this hasty sketch of the republic of 
Chili, the necessary facts and figures to make it sufficient- 
ly known to the general reader, there only remains 

* We are sorry not to give a more minute account than that already 
offered in the historical sketch of Chili, of the famous Araucanian In- 
dians, of whose ascendancy the people of Chili feel so justly proud. — ■ 
They alone, of all the American tribes who came in contact with the 
Spanish or Portuguese invaders, have maintained their independence, 
notwithstanding a war of extermination was waged against them for 
a century and a half, in which all the appliances of civilization, all the 
bravery of the ablest commanders and the most experienced and vet- 
eran troops were brought to the work of their destruction. Aptly 
named the Ishmaelites of the new world, the best armies of Spain 
were powerless to drive them from their mountain fastnesses, or to 
subjugate them to the foreigners they hated. In this protracted con- 
test, which ended in 1724 with the acknowledgment of their inde- 
pendence ; the bravery, patriotism, and humanity of their leaders ; the 
valor and devotion of the troops ; the burning love of country, which 
led even the weaker sex to undergo the severest hardships to rid 
themselves of their foes, all constitute a heroic page of history. 



48 

for us the pleasanter task of addressing a few passing re- 
marks to the class of emigrants for whose benefit this lit- 
tle work has been expressly prepared. 

Among the many advantages offered by Chili to emi- 
grants from all nations, is the mildness of the climate, 
which makes its valleys some of the most delightful spots 
in the world. This circumstance explains the fact, no- 
ticed by Humboldt and other travelers, that foreigners 
once settled in that country even for a few months, always 
show a great reluctance to leave it^ and prefer it to their 
own native lands. 

Another powerful inducement to emigration has gener- 
ally been the fertility of the soil, and its adaptation to 
European agriculture. Emigrants to tropical or semi- 
tropical countries in South America 'have found the climate 
a great drawback to their settlement, advancement, and 
even to their health. But in Chili, where the extraordinary 
extent of the country affords every variety of temperature, 
all the products, usages, and labors of Europe are met with, 
and so readily, that new comers may consider themselves 
at home after a few weeks' residence. 

There is yet another peculiar advantage for foreigners 
in the physical structure of the country. It is true that it 
is the farthest land of South America, so far that a long sea 
voyage intervenes; but, as a compensation rarely met with, 
the emigrant, as soon as he finds himself on shore, is already 
in the midst of the country, and needs not to make a long 
land voyage, as is the case in the United States, Brazil, and 
even on the Rio la Plata. There are no inland distances, 
and consequently the inconvenience, expense, and fatigue of 
traveling, as well as the expenses of settlement, are avoided. 

The well-known hospitality of the people, is a vir- 
tue to which there is not a single traveler, no matter how 
strongly prejudiced against Chili he may be in every other re- 
spect, who has not paid the warmest testimony. Those 
dreadful diseases which afilict mankind, the yellow fever, 
cholera, and other pestilences, are entirely unknown. The 
general order of the public administration, the frankness of 
the national character, and particularly the freedom of 
conscience and the liberty and free exercise of all creeds, 
which has been granted lately (July, 1865) by the laws of 
the nation, are indeed strong inducements to emigrants 
as the richness of the silver, gold, and wonderful copper 
mines of that highly-gifted country. 



/ 49 

Protestant churclies were built in Valparaiso as far 
back as 1835. A respectable American merchant, G. G. 
Hobson, Esq., chief, at that time, of the well-known house 
of Alsop & Co., was the originator of that reform which 
has now assumed the character of a cherished institution 
of the country.* 

But all has not yet been said on this matter. Notwith- 
standing so many natural reasons and interests to provoke 
a spontaneous current of emigration to that highly-favored 
country, the government has always endeavored to increase 
the settlement of emigrants and colonists by offering the 
most liberal inducements. 

During the ignorant and hateful dominion of Spain, 
foreigners were looked upon with jealousy by the public 
authorities, and the laws interfered to prevent their per- 
manent residence and even their visiting the country. 

* A correspondent of the " New York Tribune" thus describes, under 
date of Jan. 15th, 1865, the inauguration of the first public Protestant 
Church in Santiago : 

" The opening exercises were held the first Sabbath of the new year. 
The Rev. David Trumbull, from Valparaiso, preached the opening dis- 
course from Rev. iii. 2 — * Be watchful and strengthen the things which 
remain, that are ready to-day.' It was an able discourse, forcibly pro- 
nounced. The room was full : among others were seen the Hon. T. H. 
Nelson, our Minister, and the Hon. W. T. Thompson, the British Minis- 
ter. This was a very gratifying feature, since it gave to the enterprise 
the influence of the representatives of the two most powerful Protestant 
nations. The press have generally made a kindly notice of the opening 
services, and not the least sign of dissatisfaction has yet been shown. 

" The Protestants have come forward with great unanimity in their sup- 
port. The first week all the pews were rented. 

" The Ferrocarril of Santiago thus noticed this event : 
'Union Chapel. Last Sabbath took place the inauguration of the 
first Protestant Chapel in Santiago with the accustomed solemnities. Al- 
though, for some time past, the Protestants of Santiago have had a place 
for worshipping, yet it seemed that their growing necessities, and the am- 
ple protection of the present law for building churches and founding 
schools, demanded that they should enlarge their institutions, presenting 
them to the public, and not concealing them in some out of the way place. 
The new Chapel is sufiSciently commodious, and is found in Calle Moneda 
No. 150, and is under the direction of the Rev. Mr. Gilbert. There were 
present at the ceremony some 200 persons among whom were found 
the Hon. T. H. Nelson, and the Hon. Wm. Taylor Thompson, the Cap- 
tain and other officials of the British man-of-war Columbine, and many 
other English, Americans and Germans.' 

" Invited by his co-religionists of Santiago, the Rev. Mr. Trumbull 
preached the opening sermon. 

" This thing has not been done in a corner, and no opposition has mani- 
fested itself. It all speaks highly for the Chilians. They are becoming a 
liberal people, and for a long time they have had the credit of having had 
more illiberality than has really existed. But for the last three years 
public opinion has made great progress in the subject of religious 
liberty." 



50 

But since Chili has had a government of her own every 
effort has been made to procure for the country the bene- 
fits arising from the influx of sober, industrious, and en- 
terprising emigrants. Since 1812 agents have been sent to 
[Europe to promote emigration. Several societies have been 
formed with the purpose of lending aid to the emigrant, and 
lately (in 1853) the government appropriated, by a special 
•act of Congress, nearly a million of acres, to be ceded to 
'emigrants on the most liberal terms. 

This territory lies in the southern part of Chili, Kur- 
ypounding the beautiful Lake Llanquihue, a large body 
of fresh water, which is navigated by many little crafts, 
.^and which will soon have the benefit of a regular 
line of steamers. The map accompanying this pamphlet 
-shows the exact location of this happy and prosperous 
colony, under the name of the Territory of GolonizcCtion. 
But properly, the whole province of Llanquihue, the center 
of which is now occupied by the colony, may be considered 
a largefield allotted to European settlers. 

The conditions of the settlement for emigrants cannot 
be more liberal, just, and generous. According to special 
act of Congress of August 28, 1858, the emigration lots 
are to be distributed under the following rules : 

1st. Every head of a family will receive an arable lot of 
48 acres (12 cuadras), and further, 24 acres for every male 
child which has reached the age of ten. 

^d. The government defrays, at its own cost, the ex- 
pense of landing the emigrants at the nearest port to the 
.colony; keeps them for a few days on shore, and trans- 
ports them to the place in which they will have their al- 
alloted land, and their cottages built by their own 
> choice. 

3d. A monthly pension of $15 is allowed to every fami- 
ly during the first year of settlement; and further, they 
receive the necessary seeds for the first season, a couple of 
oxen, a cow and calf, ^yq hundred planks for building 
purposes, and one hundred pounds of nails. These arti- 
cles are to be valued to the satisfaction of emigrants, and 
the amount is refundable by yearly installments, free of 
. interest, and in very convenient proportions. 

4th. Emigrants are exempted, during a term of fifteen 
years from all kinds of taxes, general or municipal, as well 
as from all kinds of public or civil service; and further. 



51 

are entitled to all the rights of Chilian citizens, with- 
out any of the charges, by a simple declaration made in 
the presence of the local judge, that they wish to settle 
permanently in the country. 

5th. The free exercise of religious worship is estab- 
lished, and every sect is permitted to have its churches, 
clergy, and schools. 

The colony is governed by an Intendente appointed by 
the government, who at the same time acts as an emigra- 
tion commissioner, and is empowered to .decide all the dif- 
ficulties arising out of the action of the emigration laws, 
having always in view the benefit of the settlers and the 
prosperity of the colony. 

Under such liberal and judicious regulations the colony 
of Llanquihue could not but rapidly develop itself. Al- 
ready no less than two thousand Germans are established 
within its precincts, and the treasury of Chili has laid out 
no less than two hundred thousand dollars for their set- 
tlement and comfort. It is true that the emigrants are 
bound to refund at least half of that sum; but proposals 
were lately presented to the government to bestow that 
amount upon the colony, and declare the settlers free of 
all obligations. 

Agriculture and the cutting of timber and lumber, 
which is of a first-rate quality in those primeval woods, 
are the principal occupations of the community. In order 
to show the growth of the colony and the extraordinary 
fertility of the land, we here insert a table of the prin- 
cipal productions of the rural district of the settlement 
during the year 1861: 

Articles. Seed. Result. 



Potatoes, . 


. 8,227 j 


3 bushels. 


^125,128 


Wheat, . 


1,815 




19,844 


Eye, . 


. 276 




2,870 


Barley and oats, 


572 




8,726 


Peas, 


. 167 




6,844 


Maize, . 


23 




161 


Beans, 


25 




111 



It is fair to say that such production has been doubled, 
or perhaps tripled, in the last five years, as there were in 
1863 no le^s than forty-seven thousand acres under tillage. 



52 

The number of cattle at the same time was represented 
by the following official figures : 

Cattle, ...... 34,205 

Horses, 2,574 

Sheep, . . . . . . 9,210 

Mules, 206 

Goats, 308 

Pigs, 3,214 

The capital of the colony, called either Melipulli or 
Puerto-Montt, is situated on the large and beautiful bay of 
Keloncavi, opposite the island of Chiloe. It already has 
two hundred and twenty-nine houses, and two thousand 
one hundsed and fifty- two small cottages; there is a 
Protestant church and cemetery, with a chaplain paid 
by the community. The government maintains a public 
library, which is better attended than any other in the 
large cities of the country, and supports two or three free 
schools, in which the Catholic religion is not taught but 
to those children whose parents choose to educate them in 
that creed. Lately a plank-road has been completed 
for the exportation of the products of the colony between 
Melipulli and Lake Llanquihue, at an expense of $40,- 
000. It may be said that there is in Chili no public 
institution (and as such emigration is considered in that 
enlightened country) to which more attention is paid, 
or towards which more liberality and more kindness has 
been shown by the government during the last fifteen 
years, than in the German colony of Llanquihue. 

Emigration, however, is not confined to that southern 
settlement, as foreigners of all nations, especially skillful 
workmen in practical arts and trades, find a ready and fair 
opening in all parts of the country; the miners in the 
north, the agriculturists in the central provinces, and the 
artisans, carpenters, bricklayers, blacksmiths, tailors, etc., 
in all the villages and larger towns. Lately some con- 
tracts have been made by proprietors of large farms en- 
gaging the services of emigrants for a certain number of 
years, allowing them a fixed salary and a considerable por- 
tion of irrigated land. But these enterprises have not 
proved quite successful, owing to the circumstance that 
the country does not want so many common laborers, but 
settlers of a higher grade. 



53 

It has been calculated that Chili, with the whole of her 
arable land under cultivation, is capable of maintaining a 
thriving population of not less than twelve millions of 
people. Now she supports only two millions, and of these 
but thirty thousand are foreigners. What a field there 
is open for the men who are brought out from the over- 
crowded countries of Europe to that distant but beautiful, 
genial, and prolific land, where everything is cheap, abun- 
dant, prosperous, increasing, and, above all, where there 
is the greatest blessing of mankind — liberty ! 

CONCLUSION. 

We deem it well to put into the hands of persons desi- 
rous of paying a visit to Chili, as a farewell ticket, the 
following directions : 

The best way of reaching any of the ports of Chili, from 
Copiapo to Puerto Montt, is by the steamers plying 
thrice a month between New York and Aspinwall (six 
days), then crossing the isthmus by rail, taking on the 
other side the English steamers for the south, which con- 
nect at Panama with those of New York. The time spent 
in the voyage south to Callao, the principal port of Peru, 
is ^ve days; to Copiapo, the most northern part of Chili, 
six days ; to Valparaiso, three days; to Puerto Montt, 
three days — making twenty-seven days between New York 
and Valparaiso, including stoppages. 

Fares from $150 to $400 through passage of first, second 
and third (steerage) class cabins. 

And now God speed all who choose the happy land of 
Chili for their new home, and bless them with plenty, 
prosperity, and eternal happiness in the present and future 
world. 



SECOND PART. 



CHILI 



yilTED STiTES ilO SPill; 

A SERIES OF LECTURES, SPEECHES, EDITORIAL ARTICLES, 

AND OTHER PUBLICATIONS, ON THE POSITION 

ASSUMED BY THE REPUBLIC OF CHILI 

IN THE PENDING WAR WITH 

SPAIN. 

CONSIDERED UNDER THE LIGHT OF THE 

PEESENT FOBEiaN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES, 

I>^NII±:iL. J. HUNTER. 



NEW YORK: 

Printed by S. Hallet, No. 60 Pulton Street. 

1866. 



PEEFACE, 



Several publications have been lately made in Wash- 
ington and New York upon the actual war between Chili 
and Spain. But as most of these papers are official 
documents, interesting only to a limited number of read- 
ers, we have considered it useful, for the more general in- 
formation of the people, both in the United States and in 
England, to reprint from the daily journals some pieces of 
a more popular character. 

We have, consequently, given preference for this pur- 
pose, to the lectures and addresses delivered on several 
occasions by Mr. Vicuna Mackenna, a public writer of 
Chili, and to some of his essays published in that country, 
and which bear directly on the political intercourse main- 
tained by that country with the United States. 

In accordance with this idea, we publish in this pam- 
phlet the following papers : 

I. A lecture delivered by Mr. Vicuna Mackenna at the 
Traveler's Club of New York, on the night of the 2d 
December, 1865, on the " Present Condition and Pros- 
pects of Chili," which gives a general idea of this country 
so little known abroad, and introduces in the proper place 
the pending conflict with Spain. 

II. A letter addressed by Mr. Vicuna Mackenna, in his 
private character as a citizen of Chili, to the Editor of 



the " Epoca," a leading journal of Madrid, and which 
was published, with some editorial comments, on the 2d 
December, 1865. 

III. An address delivered by the same author at a public 
meeting in Panama, held on the 9th of November last, and 
intended to explain the origin, character, and probable 
issue of that obnoxious question. 

ly. The proceedings of a general mass meeting which 
took place in New York on the night of January 6, 1866, 
and was got up with a view to exhibit the sympathies 
of the American people for the South American Repub- 
lics, and especially Chili. 

V. A short description of a political banquet offered, 
on the 6th of December, to the Press of New York, 
and to the Spanish-American diplomatists residing in 
this city, together with some remarks made by Mr. 
Vicuna Mackenna at the monthly meeting of the Union 
League Club of New York, on the night of the 14th of 
December, on the Telegraphs of Chile ; and lastly 

VI. A short biography of Abraham Lincoln, 16th Presi- 
dent of the United States, written in Chili, with the pur- 
pose of exhibiting the feelings of the Chilean nation 
towards the United States in the hour of her most critical 
trials. 

In the form of an Appendix, we publish some other 
documents relating to the main subject of this pamphlet. 



THE 

REPUBLIC OF CHILI, 

ITS PEESEKT CONDITION AM) PEOSPEOTS. 



(An outline of her Geograpliy, G-eology, Social Manners, Political Institutions, 
Mineral and Agricultural "Wealtli, Commerce, Statistics, Public Education, Sail-Eoads, 
and Hints on her present War with Spain.) 



A LECTURE BEFORE THE TRAVELER'S CLUB OF NEW YORK, 



ON THE "present CONDITION AND PROSPECTS OF CHILI 
BY B. VICUNA MACKENNA. 



Last Saturday evening, December 2d, 1865, a select 
and numerous assembly of ladies and gentlemen met at 
the elegant apartments of the Traveler's Club of New 
York, on special invitation, to hear a lecture on Chili by 
Hon. B. Vicuna Mackenna, special envoy of that republic 
to the United States. The lecturer having been introduced 
by Mr. Dunbar, President of the Committee of Directors 
of the Club, proceeded to deliver his lecture in the follow- 
ing terms, in the English language : 

Ladies and Gentlemen : I am afraid I have under- 
taken an enterprise beyond my abilities in addressing you 
on " The Present State and Prospects of Chili," my 'be- 
loved country. It is true that I have been accustomed to 
address large assemblies, but this is the first time I have 
dared to speak in the presence of ladies, or in a language 
not familiar to me. But I have surrendered myself to the 
kind invitation of the Traveler's Club, and un(iertaken 
the duty of serving my country in the best way possible 
for a foreigner in a hospitable land, and to that kindness 
and indulgence that is always the accompaniment of 
beauty and talent. 



Permit me now, as an introductory remark, to point out 
to you some of the more peculiar topographical features 
of Chili, and which, I hope, will explain to you many 
facts and particular traits of our nation as a people, and as 
a prominent member of the family of South American Re- 
publics. 

PECULIAR GEOGRAPHICAL POSITION OF CHILI. 

In the first place, Chili has its boundaries laid out, as if 
by the hand of God, for forming a single nation, a people 
of a peculiar and defined character, a family, I dare say, 
of good and noble citizens. Chili has no neighbors, pro- 
perly speaking. Its limits are almost impassable to all 
nations. On the east the lofty Andes, covered with eter- 
nal snow ; at the north the desert of Atacama, a wilder- 
ness of six hundred miles, where neither man nor animal, 
nor even the hardiest of plants can live ; on the south the 
boundless plains of savage and unknown Patagonia ; on 
the west, its only vulnerable side, the mighty Pacific 
Ocean. 

To this particular and almost isolated geographical po- 
sition of Chili, and to its mountainous formation, have 
been attributed, by both the historian and the philosophi- 
cal naturalist, the love of liberty and independence exhi- 
bited by her sons — a feeling which appears common to all 
peoples who live by themselves and for themselves. To 
the same causes may be ascribed that boundless patriotism 
of my countrymen, developed in such a unanimous and 
earnest manner on the very day when old and fast-decaying 
Spain unfolded her flag — so many times beaten by us — in 
new defiance of our honor and our power. (Hear, hear.) 

UNITY OF RACES. 

In the next place, Chili enjoys the great privilege of 
unity of race. Far from tropical climates, we did not in- 
cur that great calamity of greater nations — slavery ; and, 
at the same time, the Spanish conquerors, finding in the 
proud and brave Araucanians and Promacas, the natives 
of the land, a race worthy of theirs, became intermixed 
with them in such a manner that to find in Chili an In- 
dian or a negro is a thing next to impossible. In fact, 
small negroes are brought from Lima to be kept in the 
largest houses of Santiago as an ornamental piece of fur- 
niture. It is owing to this that, although we are only two 



millioijs of men, we represent a population almost as, great 
as that of Mexico, which has six millions of Indians, en- 
tirely unfitted for civilization, and, in fact, more inclined 
to oppose than to accept it. 

"* VARIETY OF CLIMATE. 

In the third place. Chili possesses all varieties of cli- 
mate, from the warm and semi-tropical valleys of Copiapo 
to the frozen regions of the Archipelago of Chiloe. So it 
is that at the same time are flowering, under a pure and 
diaphanous sky, the banana and the pineapple in the 
north, the peach and the watermellon in the central val- 
leys, and the fruits of the pinones, or fir-pines, in its 
southern limits. It is to these circumstances, probably, 
that Chili is indebted for the name of the " Italy of South 
America," although it has also been called by some kind 
traveler, who wished to explain the name of our principal 
port, Valparaiso — " the Valley of Paradise." At least the 
Chilian ladies believe, as a matter of faith, that they are 
living in the spot first inhabited by Eve ; and I may add 
that the immense woods of wild apple trees which cover 
our southern provinces give some reason for their romantic 
belief (Applause.) 

IMMENSE EXTENSION OF COAST. 

There is another peculiarity of the physical structure of 
Chili — its immense extent of coast of more than two 
thousand miles, indented by hundreds of ports and bays, 
which make the country fitted for carrying on, throughout 
its entire extent, an active and profitable commerce with 
the rest of the world. In fact, internal locomotion in 
Chili is almost unnecessary ; and so near are the Andes to 
the coast, that a witty Venezuelan critic, the tutor of Bo- 
livar, used to say, " that the country being so narrow, the 
Chilians were obliged to cling with their nails to the sides 
of the Andes to avoid falling into the sea." But I make 
this remark only to show you how easy it is for the for- 
eigner to reach our country without any expenses of inland 
traveling and settling, and to point out what splendid pros- 
pects are there open to foreign emigration. 

And that is the very country, ladies and gentlemen, 
with such boundless extent of shores, that the Spanish 
Admiral Pareja dares to declare is generally and completely 
blockaded with five old frigates, when it is in the memory 



8 

of every one that you needed no less than 462 ships to 
keep up a blockade (not always effective) of just the same 
extent of sea-coast during your late gigantic war. Pareja 
declared the blockade of all our ports, which are sixty or 
seventy, and do you know how the Government of Chili 
answered that ridiculous threat ? Declaring free and ac- 
cessible to all nations sixty or seventy ports more. 

But in the present age, when Don Quixote is dead and 
buried for ever in La Mancha, with all the pride and chiv- 
alry of the old Oastilians, the invention of steam has, it 
seems, brought them to sea ; and there is Admiral Pareja, 
the Don Quixote of the Pacific, trying to shut up to the 
commerce of the world no less than a hundred ports with 
a fleet of five frigates ! The story of the wind-mills re- 
curs to every one. (Laughter.) But I have now, with 
your kind permission, to follow steadily the thread oi my 
lecture. 

PARTICULAR INFLUENCE OF THE OCEAN. 

There is yet something worthy of your notice in the 
formation of Chili. Exposed as it is in its whole extent 
and widely open to the direct influence of the Pacific 
Ocean, the soil derives from its grateful breezes a robust 
and wholesome vegetation, which covers her fields with 
carpets of flowers and boundless prairies of pasturage. 
This climatogical peculiarity is most striking when the 
traveler to Chili from the east of the Andes crosses from 
that petrified ocean of earth called the " Pampas of 
Buenos Ayres." There, on the oriental side of the lofty 
mountains, every trace of natural vegetation disappears, 
as if Chili was ambitiously taking for itself, and pumping 
into the other side, that moisture from the surface of the 
ocean which renders rich and beautiful her plains and val- 
leys. It is supposed at the same time, that the elasticity 
of the atmosphere along the shores of Chili has a certain 
influence on the minds of the people — giving a more acute 
intelligence to those living in the vicinity of the ocean 
than the inhabitants of the interior enjoy. That was, at 
least, the opinion of an old Jesuit historian, Miguel dE 
Oliyarez, who probably lived on the sea coast. 

GEOLOGY OF CHILI. 

I will devote a moment to giving you a passing idea of 
the £?eneral geological formation of Chili. No country 



has, perhaps, more to interest the modern geologist than 
that unexplored region. With the exception of the Ger- 
man traveler Meyer, the eminent English naturalist Dar- 
win, and our Professor Pissis, nobody has devoted even a 
superficial study to that branch of science in our country. 
If the famous Ltell, or Prof. Agassiz, now busily en- 
gaged on the banks of the Amazones, had visited our 
shores, many important discoveries would have been add- 
ed to that beautiful science. 

But, nevertheless, it is clearly demonstrated from what 
is now known that Chili is quite a modern country. 
There are, indeed, persons still living who, I can properly 
say, have seen it growing, and coming but as a new-born 
giant from the bottom of the sea. The phenomenon of 
the gradual rising of the shores, which has been observed 
as well in Norway and in some other parts of the world, 
is plainly visible in Chili. Admiral Fitzroy saw it with 
his own eyes, when the earthquake of 1835 (the last se- 
vere one we have experienced) took place. In a few min- 
utes the land was raised in some places many feet ; a 
small island appeared in the bay of Talcahuano, and so 
uniform was and is yet continuing to be this gradual ris- 
ing of the land, that the theatre of Valparaiso stands now 
in a place that thirty years ago formed part of the anchor- 
age for ships. 

These facts prove, in my humble opinion, that Chili is 
quite a new country, comparatively, and as far as I know, 
no traces have ever been found within its limits of an age 
previous to the tertiary period. The general opinion that 
the Andes belong to the last epochs of +he formation of 
the earth, is entirely confirmed in the Chilian system of 
those prodigious mountains. 

And upon that matter allow me to relate a very simple 
fact which illustrates fully in its own simplicity the tre- 
mendous revolution which that part of the Continent has 
gone through. The geologist Darwin found, in 1837, in 
the pass of the Pinquenes,' at the elevation of 15,000 feet, 
the trunk of a pine standing with its roots firm on the 
rocks, and saturated with marine salts and incrustations 
of shells. The trunk was cut, brought to England, and 
there the analysis proved that it had been under the water 
of the sea for many years, perhaps centuries. 

Well, now, the conclusions that we derive from that 
modest discovery are very striking. In the first place, it 



10 

shows that the tree had existed in firm land where it first 
put out its roots. Next, by some powerful change of the 
earth, shaken by volcanic action, the land was submerged, 
when the tree got petrified with marine salts, and after- 
ward was again uplifted to the immense height in which 
it was found. It is, perhaps, interesting to know that 
that kind of tree does not now exist in the same latitude. 

THE THREE KINGDOMS OF NATURE. 

I wished, gentlemen, to be able to entertain you at 
length about the beauties and marvels of Chili, and its re- 
sources in the three kingdoms of nature, from the humble 
calceolaria, a wild flower of Chili, admired by all the lov- 
ers of gardening, to the gigantic palm tree (Jubea specta- 
Mlis)y indigenous to Chili, worthy of taking a place among 
the tallest trees of the California or Nevada forests. 

But that course would take us a long distance from our 
principal purpose, and I beg your kind permission to pass 
over any picturesque description, and limit myself to point 
out the general outlines of the land, although I am 
afraid of fatiguing you with the dryness of my discourse. 
[No, no. Go on !] 

I will only call your attention to a more decided physi- 
cal feature of Chili, in order to explain to you more clearly 
the general aspect of the country. 

A perfect line of separation divides, and, indeed, nearly 
in the centre, two very different portions of the land. 
That line is the beautiful valley of the Aconcagua, which 
w^as properly called "Chili" in the time of the Spanish 
conquest. 

To the north of that valley the country is formed by a 
series of high granite and basaltic chains that descend 
transversely from the Andes to the sea, and are cut at 
proportional distances by deep and narrow valleys, teem- 
ing with vegetation and villages thickly populated. These 
are the valleys of Copiap6, so famous by its immense pro- 
duction of silver ; next, the valley of Coquimbo, which 
produces perhaps half of the copper that comes every year 
into the markets of the world, and the valleys of Huasco, 
Ligua and Petorca, noted for the abundance of gold they 
produced in the time of the Spaniards. 

I cannot give you the exact statistics of the immense 
wealth buried in those northern mountains, but some facts 
that I will take the liberty of mentioning to you hereafter 



11 

will give you some idea of the marvelous profits whicli 
those localities offer to industry and capital. Southward 
of the Aconcagua valley the structure of the territory 
changes entirely. The mountains disappear and a series 
of magnificent broad valleys, which were undoubtedly 
large geographical basins and lakes, now converted into 
real gardens of cultivation, come to sight. 

The first of these large valleys, which preserves the 
form of an immense lake drained by nature, is that of the 
Mapocho, in the centre of which lies the beautiful capital 
of Chili, and is, perhaps, 200 miles in circumference. 
Next follows that of Rancagua ; next that of Colchagua, 
and so forth up to the mighty Biobio, now navigated by 
steamers, which is the boundary of civilized Chili. To 
those who have visited the plains of Lombardy or glanced 
over the valley of Mexico from the heights of the Sierra 
Madre, the view of the Chilian valleys will undoubtedly 
bring to their minds pleasant recollections and comparisons, 
the endless rows of poplar trees and a real net of irrigat- 
ing canals being the principal features of the landscape. 

And here another trait of the physiognomy of the coun- 
try comes out. The immense plains of the Araucania, 
whose wild and brave children live and die on the back of 
their swift horses, worthy yet by their courage and their 
indisputable love of their native land, of the finest and 
most beautiful of Spanish poems — the Araucana. 

Further to the southern extremity of those plains be- 
gins what we might call the fourth system of the topo- 
graphy of Chili, the primitive mountains which the human 
foot has never trod, and the immense rivers and lakes not 
yet explored by science. 

The last aspect of the country is afforded by the barren 
and endless plains of Patagonia, which extend from the 
limits of the province of Llanquihtie to the settlement of 
Punta Arenas, in the Straits of Magellan, a place well 
known to all the American navigators who choose to go 
through that passage between the two oceans. 

WEALTH IN SILVER* 

Now permit me to make a very rapid inland tour from 
Copiap6 down to Yaldivia, in order to point out to you 
some of the more prominent features of the principal 
provinces into which Chili is divided, being fourteen in 
number. 



12 

On a cliily night, thirty years ago, a shepherd made a 
fire in the mountains of Oopiapo, and next morning he 
saw at his feet a stream of silver, which the heat had 
melted. That was the discovery of the mines of Copiapo, 
which have produced in thirty years more than $100,000,- 
000. Now they are rather in the decay ; hut the produce 
of the last year was $1,638,272 — a sum inferior to that 
of Guanajuato and Keal del Monte, which the anonymous 
and ominous company of Napoleon and Maximilian wishes 
to develop, against the decided opinion of the old and glo- 
rious President Monroe. 

IMMENSE PRODUCTION OF COPPER. 

Next follows the province of Coquimho, whose capital, 
the beautiful town of La Serena rests, a real syren at the 
foot of the hills by the sea side, supporting a population 
of thirty thousand inhabitants, and containing some of 
the most beautiful and syren-like daughters of Chili. 

The wealth of that province is almost indescribable. 
There is, indeed, a mountain, that of Famaya, formed, if 
it could be so said, of pure copper ore. The value of this 
single product, as it is manufactured in Chili, was, in 
3864, $9,506,957, and that of the copper regulus, or 
in its more imperfect state, $4,716,912, making in the 
whole (and not taking in consideration the raw ore sent 
to England, and which is worth several millions), the im- 
mense amount of $14,221,849. 

Now you will be able to form an idea of the deep alarm 
awakened in England on the arrival of the the news that 
through the mere wicked and cowardly caprice of a vul- 
gar sailor, such a fountain of so valuable and indispensa- 
ble an article was shut off from the commerce and urgent 
necessities of the world. The London Times, denouncing 
to all civilized nations, in warm and eloquent language, 
the unwarrantable conduct of Spain, declares in its lead- 
ing article of the 19th inst., that out of 498,780 cwt. of 
manufactured copper imported last year into England, 
304,380 cwt., that is to say, more than two-thirds, came 
from Chili, and that out of 25,000 tons of regulus 22,000 
tons, or almost the whole quantity, came from that source. 

And now I beg to ask, in the presence of these data, if 
such a country, young, energetic, and industrious, 
and which sends to Europe every year more than twenty 
millions of dollars, in only two standard articles, is to be 



13 

conquered, to be humiliated by Spain, ruled, as she is, by 
a corrupt court, without credit whatever in the markets 
of the world, and whose name is perpetually placed on the 
black slate of the hopeless debtors, at the very hour that 
the bonds of Chili are quoted at a higher rate than those 
of any other nation, England, France, or the United States 
included ? (Long applause.) 

ITS AGRICULTURAL WEALTH. 

IN'ow, I will detain you a little while in Santiago, the 
capital of Chili, as the remainder of the country south- 
ward is merely a rich but mountainous series of agricul- 
tural valleys and plains, with large but rather dull old- 
fashioned Spanish towns. It will be interesting, never- 
theless, to establish the fact that this part of the country 
after providing liberally for the interior wants of all classes, 
leaves a surplus of flour and wheat of the value of mil- 
lions of dollars, which are paid to us by Peru, Brazil, and 
even England. The statistical report of last year shows 
an exportation of $2,231,090 flour, and $1,039,071 wheat. 
In the golden days of the discovery of California these 
values amounted to several millions more, being ourselves 
during three or four years, the sole source of agricultural . 
supplies for El Dorado. 

THE SOCIETY OF CHILI. 

Let us now rest for a while in the capital of Chili, the 
sunny land of my boyhood, where my heart tirst beat to 
the tender feelings of hope and love, and where yet God 
is willing to rejoice my home with the presence of all that 
there is dear in lite, fathers, brothers, friends. [Applause.] 

But before going any further in the social consideration 
of my native land, I will call your kind attention to a 
very singular idea prevailing in this country, and almost 
everywhere in the Atlantic nations, and about the habits, 
morals, and social condition of the South American repub- 
lics. The other day a friend of mine, and a man of un- 
doubted superiority in this country, looking at my clothes 
in Broadway, asked me with surprise, if such things were 
used in Chili, or if I had bought them in New York. 
[Great laughter.] 

But the explanation of these curious errors consists in 
the fact that a great majority of the people forming their 
ideas through reading novels and sensation books, believe 



14 

us to be pure Indians, as those described by the masterly 
pen of Cooper ; or cavaliers of the style of the old con- 
querors of Peru and Mexico, so admirably described by 
Irving and Pr^scott, and who adored only two things 
during their dark days, the Inquisition and the bull-fight. 
[Laughter.] 

But the truth is, that we live, dress, eat, walk, drive, 
and expend our money in much the same way that 
the sons of the beautiful and mighty Manhattan Island 
dress, drive, and spend their money. (Laughter.) The 
only substantial difference being, I must say, that there 
the mildness of the climate permits us to use more light 
clothing, for although Crinoline has already imposed her 
despotic rule, the ladies of Santiago do not yet wear hooks 
and waterfalls. (Laughter and applause.) it may be 
possible, though, that Pareja will let them have some nice 
hooks out of his old flagship, the Villa de Madrid. 

SANTIAGO. 

Santiago possesses a theatre which is considered the third 
in the world after that of San Carlos of Naples, and the 
Scala of Milan, by its immense proportions, having been 
built ten years ago at an expense of nearly $400,000; and 
I mention these circumstances only to give a small proof 
of the taste and comforts of life in that capital of 120,000 
inhabitants, which contains 5,000 large houses, possesses 
more bronze statues of national heroes than the imperial 
city of New York, and supports in luxurious garb few less 
churches than Rome itself. But, gentlemen, upon this 
matter it will appear to me something like a shame to try 
to convince you that we are a civilized community, and at 
the same time to contradict the foolish and childish stories 
of vulgar travelers. About this class of informants, I 
will say only that I know a single one sincere and earnest 
in what he tells about my country. I refer to the well- 
known Grerman traveler, Gerstaker, once a fireman on a 
Mississippi steamer, and who, having seen some of the 
large courts of our houses in Santiago paved with small 
bones, forming beautiful ornamental patterns, declares 
solemnly that the vindictive character of the Chilians has 
led them to pave their houses with the bones of the Spa- 
niards killed in the war of Independence. (Laughter.) 



15 

HISTOKICAL HINTS. 

Now, passing from society to the political institutions 
of the country, Ifwill only mention that Chili was dis- 
covered in 1535 by Diego de Almagro, about fifty years 
after the first voyage of Columbus. That great soldier, 
Pedro Valdivia, conquered the Indians north of the Bio- 
bio, in a war of more than ten years' duration, in which 
he himself fell a victim, and that since those days up to 
the beginning of the present century. Chili, like all the 
Spanish colonies, has slept a melancholy and undisturbed 
sleep, but yet a long, long, miserable dream of slavery, dark- 
ness, and humiliation. 

During two centuries, indeed, there did not exist more 
life in those countries than that lent by Spain itself, once 
a year, when the galeon arrived with all the goods and all 
the news for the coming twelve months. The only histori- 
cal record of those days is of a dispute between the judges 
and the canons for the precedence of seats in public festi- 
vals or processions, the burning of a wealthy heretic, or 
the prayer-days fixed upon by proper authority, when the 
news was brought that some of the chaste Bourbon prin- 
cesses or queens were to be delivered of a prince or prin- 
cess. (Laughter.) 

And it is to those days that Spain desires now to bring 
again her lost sons on this side of the water. And she has 
attacked successively San Domingo, Mexico, Peru, and 
Chili, forgetting that she has already a grown-up daughter 
much nearer to us than to her, and to which, perhaps, in 
no distant day, we shall pay our compliments, being our- 
selves ready to receive her at any time in the common 
home of the American Kepublics, and she quite ready to 
come. (Long and enthusiastic applause.) 

But that state of things did not last long with us. The 
influence of the French revolution of '89, the old wrongs 
of Spain to our country, the secret support of commercial 
and enterprising England, and above all things, the direct 
pressure of the independence of the North American colo- 
nies, brought us to a war with Spain. 

That war lasted sixteen years. Spain was beaten every 
day on all the shores, in all the mountains, in all the val- 
leys of South America, and at last Bolivar and San Mar- 
tin, our two great liberators, standing like the giants of tha 
Andes in the plains of Ayacucho, on the 9th of December 



16 

1324j cut for ever, with the sword of victory, the hateful 
bond of colonial royalty. 

INFLUENCE OF THE UNITED STATES, 

I have just mentioned that the inaependence of the 
United States forcibly aided ours, and I hope I shall he 
aiiowed to state tliat since those days the influence of 
ximerican institutions (if not of all American Presidents 
and Cabinets) has been powerfully reflected in our public 
life. Madison and his great secretary, James Monroe, 
were the first to come to our help. The earliest diploma- 
tic agent ever sent to the revolutionary colonies was the 
famous Joel Poinsett, of North Carolina, who fought with 
us our own battles. 

E'ext to that, the American Government, passing from 
the sympathy of principles to the responsibility of doc- 
trine, wrote in the infallible code of her public institutions, 
and of her own existence as a nation, those two principles, 
which shall live as long as there will be life and honor in 
the country of George Washington and of Abraham Lin- 
coln, viz : 

1st — " The American continents, by the free and inde- 
pendent conditions which they have assumed and main- 
tained, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for 
future colonization by any European Power. 

2nd — " The United States consider any attempt on the 
part of European Powers to extend their system to any 
portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to their peace and 
safety!' 

HONOIIS PAID TO WASHINGTON AND LINCOLN. 

And in this part of my discourse, I beg leave to halt for 
a while, and take the liberty of reading to you a brief par- 
agraph from a speech delivered in behalf of the interests 
of the United States, on the eve of the Fourth of July, 
of 1864, in the Chilian Congress, of which I had the 
honor of being a member, and which translated faithfully 
will wholly explain my thoughts. 

" But allow me, at least,^' I said on that occasion to my 
fellow-Eepresentatives, " to bring to your mind that since 
the United States became a free nation, that is to say, 
since they ceased to be a mere appendix to a monarchy, 
they have always stretched out to us the hand of friendship 
and of brotherhood. They sent to us, in 1812, the first 



17 

printing establishment, by which means the early li;^ht of 
our freedom broke out among us. They were the first to 
accredit a diplomatic agent to our country, Consul Poin- 
sett, who enlisted as a volunteer in our revolutionary 
army. They furnished General Carrera with a fleet worth 
over a million of dollars, though he landed on this soil a 
poor, proscribed, and unknown man. All their great 
statesmen have been ardent friends of South America.-— 
Madison acknowledged our independence ; Adams co- 
operated with Bolivar to lay down the basis of American 
Union at the Congress of Panama ; Monroe raised up the 
protecting shield of his famous doctrine over both conti- 
nents; and lately, the honest and immortal Abraham Lin- 
coln, the rail-splitter, dispatched friendly messengers to 
each of the Spanish- American Kepublics to settle their 
old difficulties with the United States.'' 

And further, let me add, that when the appalling 
martyrdom of this great magistrate reached my country, 
I saw many, many tears in my own home, and many, 
many pale and mournful faces everywhere, as a testimony 
of how pure and how sincere was our love for that new 
redeemer of mankind. For myself, I take the liberty of 
stating that I wrote a short biography of that eminent 
man, and moved in the House of Representatives a law, to 
be passed according to the following resolutions, which I 
copy from the Journal of Congress : 

" Resolved, That the portraitsof George Washington and 
of Abraham Lincoln, the first and last Presidents of the 
United States of America, be executed at the expense of 
the nation, and placed on the walls of the reception-room 
of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, as a tribute rendered by 
the Chilian people to those of the United States, on the 
occasion of the happy re-establishment of their internal 
peace, and as a remembrance of the sorrowful loss suffered 
in the death of their first magistrate. 

" Resolved, That this resolution be inscribed, as an appro- 
priate motto, at the foot of the aforesaid portraits, and 
that it be communicated by the Government of Chili to 
the President of the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States, as an expression of the sentiments 
of the Chilian Congress." 

(Loud and prolonged cheers.) 

Such were the feelings, the ideas, the sympathies of 
the two countries, so taking every one by surprise, and 

2 



18 

the whole country unarmed. What will these feel- 
ings be in the future. ? Gentlemen, that is a question 
which it does not belong to me to answer. There is a 
mighty people in this country, there is a Congress replen- 
ished from the whole intelligence and good and honest 
hearts of the land, there is a noble-minded President full 
of confidence in the will of his fellow-citizens, and it is 
for them to answer and to solve such a question. 

But I observe that I have digressed a little from my 
original plan of showing you the present condition of 
Chili and its prospects for the future, and now I return 
again fully to my path. 

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS. 

Chili having won her independence, with the best blood 
of her sons, devoted herself to the fruitful labors of 
peace and industry ; gave herself a constitution based on 
the general principles of self- government, with a President 
eligible every five years, with a House of Kepresentatives 
returnable every three years, and a Senate^ of twenty 
members to be elected every seven years. Every com- 
munity of twenty thousand inhabitants is entitled to 
return a member of the House, and the Senators are elect- 
ed by provinces. The President governs, with a responsi- 
ble Cabinet of four Secretaries and a Council of State, 
appointed from among the most distinguished persons in 
the community. 

Chili is perhaps the country in the whole world least 
taxed, 90 cents being the average proportion of taxes 
among all classes of individuals ; and yet those taxes are 
voted only every eighteen months by Congress. 

The duties on foreign goods are high only in the arti- 
cles of luxury, and free or slightly taxed when of gene- 
ral use. In a comparative statement of the duties paid in 
the Custom-houses of France, England, the United States, 
and Chili, made lately by the eminent French economist, 
Courselles de Seneuil, it is ascertained that the latter coun- 
try is by far the more liberal. It is owing, probably, to 
this liberality that the Custom-house in Valparaiso pro- 
duced in 1863 $4,259,533. 

The administration of justice is organized very much on 
the same footing as that of the United States, with a 
Supreme Court at its head. There is, nevertheless, one 



19 

substantial difference — the Supreme Court of Chili has 
no political power whatever, and all the members of 
the judicial body are nominated by the President for 
life. In a particular branch of the administration of jus- 
tice. Chili possesses, it seems to me, a great advantage. — 
We have a general code of law framed on the plan of the 
Code Napoleon, and especial codes of commerce, mines, 
legal proceedings, and criminal law. All have been pre- 
pared in the last ten years by eminent lawyers of the 
country, and are of great service to the republic, as the 
law is put within the reach of the humblest citizen. 

In its political administration, Chili has followed the 
principles of France, the country undoubtedly best govern- 
ed as far as the official machinery of power works on the 
community. There is in existence a Board of Statistics, 
which issues a report on the progress of the country every year 
and makes up the general census of the republic every ten 
years. The last census was carried out all over the country 
on the 19th of last April, and it is believed, from the re- 
ports published, that the actual number of inhabitants 
will be approximatively two millions, the population 
doubling every forty years. 

LAWS OK FOREIGNERS — EMIGRATION. 

The laws of Chili are of the most liberal spirit towards 
foreigners, as many of the respectable gentlemen in this 
hall can testify by their own personal experience. They 
are permitted to do whatever the natives of the country 
have a right to do, and further, they are not burdened 
with any personal taxations or duties, even the most tri- 
vial. And to this circumstance, and to the similitude of 
climate, products, and cultivation with the nations of 
Europe, it is due that Chili offers such splendid prospects to 
emigrants of all races, except the degraded Asiatics, which 
have not been permitted to be introduced in the country 
by the new slaveholders of the Pacific, the importers of 
miserable colonies of Chinese, or the coolies of the South- 
ern Ocean. 

At the outbreak of the war with Spain, the Govern- 
ment was preparing the establishment of a Board of Emi- 
gration, on similar principles with those existing in this 
country, and had already devoted more than half a million 
of acres in the fertile province of Llanquihue for the set- 



20 

tlement of foreign emigrants. There are living* now in 
those regions, in happy condition, more than two thousand 
Germans. According to the census of 1855,. there were in 
Chili 6,600 Germans, 1,247 English, 1,196 French, only 
769 Spaniards, and 571 citizens of the United States, 
about 20,100 foreigners in all. But in ten years this 
number has doubtless been doubled. 

There is another consideration of importance connected 
with our population. There do not exist in Chili idle 
classes. All people are obliged to work to get their living, 
and they work hard indeed in the deep bottoms of the 
copper-mines of Atacama, in the northern extremity of 
the land, and in the inexhaustible coal-fields of Lota and 
Coronel, which by their extent and accessibility are not 
surpassed by any in England or France. 

THE ARMY. 

At the same time, the regular army of Chili is compara- 
tively small, and is kept occupied (as was yours before 
the war) in protecting the frontiers against the invasion of 
the wild Araucanian Indians. But we possess, in fact, 
a national army of more than 80,000 men, both horse and 
foot, registered on our military roll, and which could take 
the field, as they have already done in some measure, at 
the first warning of the country's danger. 

CHARITIES. 

The benevolent institutions of the country are worthy 
of a particular study, as they exhibit the general disposi- 
tion of the Chilians to practice the virtues of hospitality. 
To avoid, however, minute explanation on this subject, I 
should recommend you to read a chapter consecrated to 
this matter by Dr. Baxlay, a well-meaning traveler, who 
visited Chili two or three years ago, and has just published 
an interefiting book on South America. 

PRINCIPLES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

The public institutions that belong properly to the 
organization of self-government, work in Chili with as 
perfect ease as is exhibited so gloriously in this country. 
The rights of associations, the liberty of the press, the 



21 

irresponsibility of the opinions of the representatives of 
the country in Congress, the liberty of conscience, that 
last conquest of progress and justice, the trial by jury, the 
privilege of habeas corpus, and, in fact, all the modern 
liberties and franchises of democracy, are in full and ac- 
tive operation in our country. 

JOURNALS. 

I might as well add, apropos of the press, that although 
"we have no papers so interesting as those of New- York, 
we nevertheless publish some of the largest and best ed- 
ited journals of South America, and some as old as are 
printed on the Southern continent. The Valparaiso Mer- 
cury, and some interesting and active political papers as 
the Ferrocarril of Santiago, a magnificent journal kept 
up in the French style of publication. 

This is, gentlemen, the general condition of the coun- 
try at large, but there are yet three questions to which I 
request your patient attention for a few minutes, as they 
are the foundation of the actual civilization of nations ; 
Jirst, the public education of the people ; second, the ex- 
tent of the railroads, and third, the extent of its com- 
merce and interchanges with the other countries of the 
world. 

PUBLIC EDUCATION. 

Chili has pursued a most steady course in educating its 
own people, knowing that therein consists the true sup- 
port of democracy and self-government. Her Institute or 
University of Santiago, is considered the most important 
of South America, and more than a dozen learned Euro- 
pean professors have been engaged for the purpose of 
spreading the knowledge of the highest branches of science. 
At an expense of more than $100,000 the Chilian Gov- 
ernment maintains an Astronomical Observatory, the only 
one existing in the Southern hemisphere, and has conse- 
quently done great service to modern astronomy. There 
existed in 1862, the last epoch of the official statistics 
now in my power, 5,792 students of professional careers, 
most of them in the National Institute of Santiago, and 
in the provincial lyceums — every province having an 
institution of this kind for herself. In 1810, in the good 
old times of mother Spain, there existed only two public 



22 

schools in the kingdom, and in 1862 this number had in- 
creased to 933. Of these 588 belonged to the male sex, 
and 345 to the female, being 23,563 of the first, and 12,- 
412 of the last — 35,975 in all of persons educated at the 
expense of the State. Chili devotes one-tenth of its rev- 
enue to public instruction — [long applause] — and there 
existed a President who was elected in 1851, having adopt- 
ed as the platform of his canvassing this single principle, 
'^ Popular education.'' [Loud cheers ] 

RAILWAYS. 

In tbe progress of steam locomotion Chili stands so 
high that you will be surprised on hearing that only four 
countries — the United States, England, France, and Ger- 
many — possess greater extent of railroad, taking into con- 
sideration the size of the respective countries. Chili pos- 
sesses at present six main lines of railways. 

The northern one connects the port of Caldera with the 
silver regions of Copiapo, and was the first ever built in 
South America (1850,) previous to the erection of the line 
of Panama, which has, like the last, an extent of forty- 
seven miles. The second is that of Carrizal, twenty-four 
miles in length. It has been built by Americans and na- 
tive capitalists for bringing to the sea-shore the rich cop- 
per ores of the interior. 

The third is much more important, as it runs south 
from La Serena, the capital of Coquimbo, and is intended 
to connect with that between Valparaiso and Santiago, a 
distance of about live hundred miles south. Of this line 
ninety miles are complete, and as many in course of pro- 
gress. 

The fourth is the famous railway between Valparaiso 
and Santiago, over immense mountains, built at an ex- 
pense of twelve millions of dollars. It was laid out by 
the eminent American civil engineer, Allen Campbell, 
now residing in this city in a very high position, and com- 
pleted, as a contractor, by another American of great en- 
terprise, and generous heart, Henry Meiggs. This line 
extends for more than 135 miles over a rough country, 
and is considered a work inferior to none for its boldness 
and solidity. 

The fifth line extends from Santiago, through the in- 
land valleys and over level ground, to San Fernando, a 



23 

distance equal to that between Valparaiso and Santiago, 
but, passing through a highly cultivated plain, it has cost 
only half the amount of the last. A distinguished Am- 
erican engineer, Col. Walter W. Evans, now of this city, 
was the builder of this railway. And as in passing I men- 
tioned the names of some Americans prominent among us., 
let me pay a tribute of respect and affection to a noble and 
intelligent man, a real embodiment of the most character- 
istic qualities of the American people — to Hon. Thomas 
Horace Nelson — the last Minister of the United States in 
Chili, and who has gained^the sincere affection of my coun- 
trymen, both by his personal and official attainments. 

Lately, grants for four new branches of railroads were 
made by the Legislature, and the line going southward 
from Santiago will be extended this summer to Curico, 
at an expense of nearly $1,500,000. 

The purpose of the government is to build a central line 
between Santiago and Concepcion, on the banks of the 
Biobio, a distance of about 600 miles, of which, there are 
150 completed, the whole of the country having been care- 
fully surveyed. The actual value of the railways of the 
country, which measure nearly 500 miles, is $30,000,000, 
and it is thought that an the expense of less than that 
amount, a complete line of rails will be run from La 
Serena to Concepcion, (a distance of more than 1,000 
miles,) and all within the course of ten or fifteen years. 

When this great work, to which the country and Con- 
gress have lent their utmost support is completed, Chili 
cannot but be the best organized and best protected 
against internal or foreign foes of all other countries. 
Lines of telegraph run parallel to all the railways, and the 
very day war was daclared against Spain orders were given 
to extend the magnetic wire from the northern to the 
southern extremity of the country, which work has been 
undertaken with unabated energy. And that, gentlemen, 
has been the answer of the country to the piratical assault 
of the Spanish Admiral. He wished to put a gag in our 
mouths by shutting the doors of the country, and the coun- 
try has used the inextinguishable voice of steam and elec- 
tricity to carry all over the land her will, her dignity, and 
the resolution of opposing Spain to the last breath of life. 
(Applause.) 



24 

COMMERCE. 

I wish to impress upon the minds of the thinking men, 
who have honored me by listening to this long- and weari- 
some lecture, the importance of the commerce of Chili, in 
order to show how little has been done by the American 
people, and, I must say, by the American Government, to 
develop the interests of this nation in those far but rich 
countries. The value of goods imported into Chili in 1864, 
according to official statistics, was $18,867,363 ; and would 
any of you believe that in this commerce, of which you 
might have as good a share as any other nation, England 
is represented by forty- three per cent., while the enter- 
prising, the prosperous and active people of the United 
States, with their enormous, crowded, and countless man- 
ufactures, stand only in the proportion oi five per cent? 
But that is a fact, according to late official returns, and I 
may add, as far as my personal knowledge goes, that there 
exist in Valparaiso, among hundreds of large European 
houses of commerce, only three American firms — that of 
the old and respectable house of Alsop & Co., and those 
of A. Hemenway & Co. and Loring & Co. 

The exports of Chili last year were to the value of 
$27,242,853, leaving in our favor a balance in trade of 
more than $8,000,000. 

The internal commerce of the country, which is free to 
all flags (hear, hear,) amounted to $28,896,783, being an 
increase of $12,199,862 over that of 1861, and reaching 
in its whole extent, and without takino; into consideration 
the commerce in transit to the Argentine Republic, Boli- 
via, and Peril, which amount to many millions, the sura 
of $75,005,000. 

FINANCES. 

The public revenue of the present year was calculated 
before the war at $10,000,000, and as the foreign debt of 
the Government, always faithfully paid, is less than 
$8,000,000, it can be said that no country is in better con- 
dition as to finance. Now, if we take into consideration 
that the nation owns more than half the railways, and is 
free to sell that part to individuals, it could farther be 
said that Chili has no foreign debt whatever. I think it 
necessary to add that paper was there unknown as official 
currency. But lately war has obliged the banks to make 



25 

a paper issue of $4,000,000, guaranteed, nevertheless, by 
more than twenty millions of coin and other securities. — 
We have been obliged, at the same time, to raise in Eng- 
land a loan of six millions of dollars for war purposes, 
and an equal amount of money was \o be collected in the 
country. 

Such, ladies and gentlemen, were the conditions and 
prospects of Chili when a man, whose name the world had 
never heard before, came one morning, surprising our good 
faith, and takino; cowardly and villainous advantage of the 
defenceless condition of our shores, to stop that marvelous 
march of progress, and overthrow in a minute the work of 
so many years of patient industry and honesty. 

THE WAR WITH SPAIN. 

One word more upon the qjuestion of this war, and I 
have done. 

Who understands the causes of this war between Chili 
and Spain ? I think nobody, not even myself, as there 
never was in the history of nations a war so groundless 
and ridiculous as this is on the part of Spain. 

But as the causes of this difficulty have never been pro- 
perly understood, and as the day before yesterday one of 
the leading and most influential papers of this city ex- 
pressed a wish that no sympathy should be bestowed upon 
us, on the ground that the facts were not yet fully known, 
I will endeavor to put them before you in their full light, 
begging of you one moment more of patience. 

On the 24th of April, 1863, a day of sad record for 
America, both North and South, Admiral Pinzon, on the 
part of Spain, seized the Chincha Islands, belonging to 
Peru, and declared in a public manifesto that in doing so 
he revindicated the property of Spain, as there was only 
a state of truce with Peru since the truce of Ayacucho in 
1824. 

At such an extraordinary avowal, the whole of South 
America rose in alarm, and stood like a single man by the 
side of their attacked brother. They acted, it is true, in 
their own behalf at the same time, as they might also be 
^' revindicated at any moment, especially Chili, the nearest 
neighbor of the invaded country, and the people who had 
twice stood by Peru in her fight for liberty, the cause of 
the two countries being one. 



26 

A warm feeling of sympathy was consequently awaken- 
ed in Chili in favor of Peru. The press violently attacked 
Spain ; volunteers went over to Peru ; and coal was de- 
clared contraband of war for both parties, as it was im- 
possible to provide with means of attack the very enemy 
that was preying like a highway robber on our coast. 
And I ask you, gentlemen, what country on the surface of 
the earth would have acted otherwise ? Would you ? 
Would you restrain your press on the affairs of Mexico, 
and deny your sympathies for the institutions and the 
men of a country which in some respects forms a part of 
your own ? Besides, as I had occasion to develop fully, 
at an address I delivered a few days ago at Panama, 
and which many of you probably read in the New York 
Herald of last week, there was no ground whatever, in 
the presence of the most stringent principles of interna- 
tional law, not only for a war, but even for a diplomatic 
rupture. 

PERU TO STAND BY CHILI IN WAR ALLIANCE. 

But as only a pretext was needed, as soon as the diffi- 
culty between Spain and Peru was settled in such a dis- 
graceful manner, that the whole country rose against the 
traitors with the blush in their face, Pareja undertook to 
ask explanations of our Government for the legitimate acts 
and for the innocent sympathies shown to our suffering 
brothers. And let me pause a moment in my narrative, 
to inform you, in the joy of my heart, that the noble 
revolution of Peru triumphed by its national force with 
little bloodshed, at the gates of Lima, on the 5th of Nov- 
ember last, as we have just heard by the steamer arrived 
this evening from Aspinwall. 

Thanks to God, there are no more traitors in America ; 
and I take upon myself to declare, as a friend of Generals 
Canseco and Prado, the President and the leader of that 
glorious protest against Spain, that Peru will now stretch 
out to Chili the hand of a brother, and repay the sacrifices 
to her cause. Yes, gentlemen, I feel authorized to declare 
in this responsible place, that the new Government of 
Peru is hound hy the most solemn pledges of nations to 
declare war, immediate and active war, against Spain. 

Such is the fact at this very hour, and you may rely 
upon it, as I come to this country from the head-quartera 



27 

of the Peruvian army and revolutionary fleet. I beg to 
add that the Express of to-day makes a very singular 
mistake in declaring that the new Government of Peru 
comes back on a Spanish platform^ when the very reverse 
is the fact, as the revolution sprang out of the infamous 
conduct of the last government of Ex-Gen. Pezet, a 
traitor, like Santana and Almonte, to the noble cause of 
America. 

The asking of explanations from our government by 
Pareja, was in itself an act of insult on the part of the 
agent of Spain, as we were the party offended. But the 
Chilian Government, giving a proof of its prudence and 
forbearance, gave the explanations required, to such an 
extent that the claimant declared himself in a public dis- 
patch, and in benalf of his government, entirely satisfied. 

That event took place in May last, and both the coun- 
try and the government had entirely forgotten the past 
question, when suddenly, on the morning of the 12 tH of 
September, a small steamer chartered by our Minister in 
Lima, cast her anchor in Valparaiso, bearing extraordinary 
news. The Government of Spain had declared insufficient 
the satisfaction accepted as fully satisfactory by her public 
representative had recalled him in disgrace, and ordered 
Pareja (the secret abettor of the plot,) to go with the 
whole of his fleet to impose upon us the shame of humili- 
ating our honor and our flag to the guns of his ships. 
This course was made yet more insolent, as we know that 
Pareja and half a dozen intriguing and lawless men 
surrounding him, had been the active agents for obtaining 
from the Spanish Government the authorization of their vil- 
lainous attack upon Chili. Pareja was so proud with his 
old frigates, and particularly as we had none at that time, 
that he wrote to his beloved Queen that in less than a 
quarter of an hour he would settle the difficulty with lit- 
tle Chili. 

But the poor old Admiral was miserably mistaken. At 
the very moment of his appearance in the bay of Valpa- 
raiso, the country — as a single thought, as a single soul, 
as a single arm — roused itself to the support of the 
government, and offered life and property to maintain 
its honor, so infamously and cowardly assailed. Conse- 
quently, the very day that Pareja declared the block- 
ade, and took violent possession of a few of our merchant 
ships, who had not yet changed their flags, both Houses 



28 

of Congress met spontaneously on the 24th of September. 
War was declared immediately against Spain by the 
unanimous vote of all present ; the government was au- 
thorized to raise a loan of $20,000,000 ; to call to arms 
whatever troops deemed necessary ; to increase, or, more 
properly speaking, create a navy by all means available, 
and carry immediate and active hostilities against the in- 
solent invaders. 

And now, gentlemen, I ask you candidly and honestly, 
would you, could you, as members of an independent and 
free country, have done otherwise ? [Cries of no, no.] 

CHILI NOTHING TO LOOSE BY A WAR WITH SPAIN. 

So the war with Spain is one of honor for us, as it is a 
ridiculous and purposeless ostentation of power and pride on 
the part of Spain. The English people, excited undoubt- 
edly by their great interest in the Pacific, have understood 
nevertheless the real position, the origin, and the conse- 
quences of this singular and almost enigmatical case, and 
have severely condemned Spain. It is for you now to give 
utterance to your opinion, and support it in the interest 
of your ideas and of the old principles of your glorious 
republic. 

But allow me to say, before I close these last observations, 
that although we regret, as a civilized country, this war 
having originated in such extravagant pretexts, we are not 
in the least afraid of it. Far from that. We have a his- 
tory and glorious forefathers who tau^rht us how to fight 
and how to conquer. [Applause.] We have a respect- 
able and respected position among the nations of the 
world, and that respect is not commanded by armies or 
fleets, but by our institutions, our credit as a commer- 
cial country, and our wealth, superior to many of the old 
monarchies* of Europe, and certainly to that of maraud- 
ing and bankrupt Spain. And then, gentlemen, war 
with all its horrors and its calamities, possesses great 
advantages for new countries. We have nothing to loose 
by the hate of Spain, and something to gain by it. We 
are not indebted to Spain in Chili for a single man of en- 
terprise, for a single cent of capital, for any importation 
of industry. England appears in our commercial section, 
as I have already stated, as importer in the proportion of 
43 per cent. France 20 per cent., Germany 9 per cent.. 



29 

the United States 5 per cent., Peru and Brazil 3 per 
cent ; but Spain/o7' nothing at all! (Laughter.) There 
are, too, in Chili, at present, seven hundred Spaniards in 
all, but all belonging to the classes of little traders ; none 
to the liberal or even naost humble professions. 

And I may be allowed to repeat, without paying 
attention to local considerations, new-born countries 
require to be at once known in the great fair of the 
world. You were once only a small nation, and had not 
a defender among the great peoples of the globe, until you, 
young and inexperienced, but full of daring with the 
righteousness of your cause, went to war with England in 
1812. You came great and powerful out of that struggle, 
and so we expect to come out of ours, against our fast- 
decaying mother country. And mind it, gentlemen, we 
are ready to go to that war at our own risk, with our own 
blood, with our own money, without asking any other na- 
tion's material help or entangling alliances. What we 
want is merely justice, the full appreciation of our dignity 
and of our rights, so that it may not be said that we 
entered into this war through contemptible notions of pride 
and vanity, but for the sake of our present existence, our 
future destinies as a nation, commanding the respect and 
the sympathies of the civilized world*. 

And now, ladies and gentlemen, there remains for me only 
the pleasant duty of offering you my most sincere and 
earnest thanks for the kindness shown to me on this occa- 
sion, and I do so with a grateful heart. (Long applause.) 

After the lecture, Mr. E. George Squier moved a vote of 
thanks to the lecturer, in a few complimentary remarks, 
which motion was seconded by Mr. James S. Mackie in a 
brief but happy speech, and carried with signal enthu- 
siasm. 



Among several judgments registered by the daily papers 
of New York upon the present lecture, we consider it be- 
coming to our purpose to reprint the following leading ar- 
ticle of the Evening Post of December the 12th, and 
which relates to the commerce between Chili and the 
United States : 



30 

Seiior McKennaj special agent of the Chilian government 
in this country, gave a few days ago an excellent account 
of his country, in which he related much that was new to 
his hearers and to the general public, and which is at the 
same time of great interest and importance to Americans. 

After pointing out the fact that Chili has distinct na- 
tural boundaries in the Andes, the Pacific Ocean, the 
great desert of Atacama, and the savage plains of Pata- 
gonia ; and that it possesses a homogeneous population, a 
various but temperate climate, an immense coast line con- 
taining hundreds of ports and bays, which make access to 
the interior easy, a fertile agricultural region, which en- 
ables the nation to export breadstuffs, and mineral resour- 
ces so rich that, besides coal, silver and gold, half the 
copper produced in the whole world, annually, is mined in 
Chili. Mr. McKeuna described the social and political 
condition of his country. Chili has two millions of peo- 
ple, who form a republic, in which a president is elected 
every five years, while the popular branch of the Congress 
is chosen every three years, and the Senate for seven years. 
Taxation is trifling, the custom duties are light, and im- 
posed only on articles of luxury; one-tenth of the whole 
revenue of the state is devoted to public instruction; and 
in 1862 there were nine hundred and thirty-three free 
schools in the country, besides a university at Santiago, 
the most important in South America, and colleges in the 
different provinces. 

Finally, lands are cheap, the climate is fine, the natural 
products various, the feeling towards foreigners very liberal, 
the undeveloped wealth immense, the railroads of the 
country so extended that Chili is excelled in this regard 
only by the United States, England, France and Germany, 
and the people are very favorably predisposed towards the 
United States. 

Yet with this country, whose people are so friendly to 
us, whose institutions are so similar to ours, who seem to 
be progressing in the same direction with ourselves, and 
who feel themselves to have the same interests with us, 
our comercial intercourse is so ridiculously small that 
Americans will blush when the figures are told. M. Mc- 
Kenna said : 

' The value of goods imported into Chili in 1864, ac- 
cording to official statistics, was $18,867,363; and would 
any of you believe that in this commerce, of which you 



31 

miglit have as good a share as any other nation, while 
England is represented by forty-three per cent, the enter- 
prising, the prosperous and active people of the United 
States, with their enormous and crowded and countless 
manufactures, stand only in the proportion of five per 
cent ? But that is a fact, according to late official re- 
turns, and I may add, as far as my personal knowledge 
goes, that there exists in Valparaiso, among hundreds of 
large European houses of commerce, only three American 
firms.' 

England has forty-three per cent of the trade with Chili, 
France has twenty per cent, Germany without a fleet, and 
with only a few ports, has yet nine per cent, the United 
States, with California and Oregon lying on the same 
ocean, has got only five per cent, but little more than Bra- 
zil, which has three per cent. 

But if our commerce with Chili is small, it is no greater 
with others of the South American republics. We seem 
to have neglected those states, whose prosperity and pro- 
gress nevertheless are of great importance to us. Under 
the rule of the slave-lords, our attitude towards them was 
made purposely hostile; the slave-holders did not care for 
legitimate commerce; they thought only of filbustering ex- 
peditions, of snatching the land of our neighbor repulDlics 
to devote it to slavery. But with the new spirit which 
animates our policy, our intercourse with other American, 
republics should largely increase, our relations must become 
more intimate, and we shall no doubt presently recognise 
our duty towards them, to guard them, by our alliance, 
from such wanton attacks as that of Spain upon Chili, 
and that of France against Mexico. 

True statesmanship would bind together all the republics 
of America in a common brotherhood; thus only can our 
example have its proper influence upon our neighbors, and 
thus only can those weaker states be saved from the attacks 
of despotic European powers — attacks which are as much 
directed against us as against our neighbors, for they arise 
out of hostility to the republican institutions of which we 
are the upholders, Mexico no sooner begins to show signs 
of the triumph of order, intelligence, and constitutional 
forms, than Napoleon makes war on the republic, forcibly 
sets up a despotic emperor in place of the constitutional 
government, involves the Mexican people in financial ruin, 
interrupts industry, vastly increases the national debt, re- 



32 

establislies peonage, and overturns all that had been ac- 
complished by the adherents of lawful liberty in Mexico 
in a quarter of a century. So Spain wantonly attacks 
Chili, puts the people of the republic to the expense of de- 
fending themselves, and thus retards the industrial de- 
velopment of that free nation. Thus, too, she intrigues 
in Peru, ostensibly to "revindicate" obsolete rights and 
claims, while her real object is to keep that growing repub- 
lic in turmoil, to foster the spirit of factions, and to 
overturn and destroy the beneficial results of free govern- 
ment. It is alike our duty and our interest to put a stop 
to these invasions of America by European despots.'' 



ADDRESS DELIVEEED IN PANAMA 
On the origin and Charioter of the 

WAR BETWEEN CHILI & SPAIN, 

In acordance with the following Act, which we copy 

from the Mercantile Chronicle of Panama, 

of December 12th, 1865. 



AN ACT, 

In the city of Panama, on the 8tli of November, 1865, 
a large number of Columbians, resident in this Capital, 
assembled in the porticos of the Cabildo House, for the 
purpose of taking into consideration the attitude which this 
country ought to assume in the contention which has 
arisen between Chili and Spain ; Senores Manuel Maria 
Diaz and Pablo Arosemena being named respectively Pre- 
sident and Secretary of the meeting ; and the former hav- 
ing stated in a fitting and well-applauded speech the ob- 
ject of the reunion, the latter made the following proposi- 
tions, which were unanimously approved: 

1st — The Ptepublic of Chili, in the unjust war to which 
she has been provoked by the agents of Spain in the Paci- 
fic, deserves the sympathies and aid of republican America. 

2d — Consequently, the persons who compose this meet- 
ing consider it an inevitable duty to aid the sacred cause 
of Chili by all the lawful means within their reach. 

3rd — Let a commission of three persons be named, who 

3 



34 

shall take charge of setting forth the plan that ought to 
be adopted to secure so great an end. 

By virtue of the will of the meeting, the President ap- 
pointed Senores Gabriel barrio, Pablo Aroseraena, and 
Mariano Acosemena to compose the said commission. 

The President, on behalf of those assembled, then in- 
vited Senor Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna, who was present, 
to address the meeting, to which that gentleman responded 
in tne following words, which we translate from the Spa- 
nish : 

Sr. Vicuna Mackenna, said : Gentlemen, although 
I am in this city nothing more than a simple citizen 
of the Eepublic of Chile, I cannot do less than rise to 
respond to the amiable invitation of the President of this 
noble and patriotic meeting, and offer you my profound 
gratitude for the manifestation you have made in behalf 
of my country. I cherish the deep conviction that the 
generous resolutions which you have adopted will resound 
as an echo of fraternity in the hearts of all my countrymen, 
who are also yours, because, gentlemen, if in the days of 
peace we have the right to call ourselves friends and na- 
tural allies, in the hour of danger we are nothing less 
than brothers. Your noble conduct is proving this. [Cries 
of Yes ! Yes ! ) I did not wish, gentlemen, to pass 
beyond this simple expression of my personal gratitude 
towards you. It was my desire to assist at this splendid 
reunion in the character of a mere sojourner on the 
Isthmus, and though it be indeed true that I have 
been honored by my government with an important politi- 
cal commission, this does not give me diplomatic cha- 
racter to impart a determinate importance to my 
words. Nevertheless, on finding myself in the midst of 
you, and on listening to your ovations to my country, these 
two questions have occured to me, which I also address to 
you. Why does Spain make war on Chile ? Is this war 
against Chile only, or is it against all America ? Why 
does Spain make war against Chile .? Ah ! You well 
know, gentlemen. Spain makes war against my country 
because she presented herself to sustain the honor and 
dignity of America, without any other advice, without 



35 

any other authority than her own dignity : — (Apphause) 
— because she made out of the attack on the Chinchas a 
personal and common honor, of immediate security, of 
future independence for herself — for all the sister republics 
of the New World ; because, in fine, she was the first 
among them in ofi'ering herself, a noble holocaust, to a 
disinterested patriotism — to an abnegation without condi- 
tions. {True! and vehement applause for Chile.) But 
Chile, gentlemen, could not act in any other manner. 
Could she break the traditions of her glorious past, which 
present her as always associated with all the sacrifices and 
with all the ancient American glories, in which her banner 
had floated in the breeze of battle together with the ban- 
ner of La Plata ; together with the banner of Peru ; to- 
gether with the banner of old and glorious Columbia, 
from Maipii to Pichincha ? Could Chile forget that 
the moderate prestige which she has cultivated among 
her sisters on the Continent she owes only to her inter- 
national policy, always jast and honorable, always frater- 
nal in council, always disinterested in aid, always intrepid 
— permit me this word of patriotic pride — always intrepid 
in her undertakings in common with them ? Could Chile, 
in fine, shelter herself under a cowardly silence, and hiding 
her noble head — her more noble heart — as in a state of 
stupid torpidity, between her sea and her mountains, 
avail herself of the impunity which her natural posi- 
tion might seem to ofier to her selfishness, and abandon 
thus a brother w*3unded so deeply, without asking for 
him and with him the reparation due? No, Chile could 
have done nothing like what would have been her dis- 
grace, and consequently she placed herself from the first 
moment on the weaker side, — on the side of the injured, 
the neighbor, the brother. (Applause.) But was there 
by chance in this a violation of any international right ? 
Was a public motive given to Spain for complaint, 
for secret grievance — pretext even, I will not gay for this 
war, which will always seem a madness in the eyes of 
enlightened nations, but for a diplomatic rupture which is 
the utmost limit to which nations, in the present condition 
of public right, are accustomed to go, in manifesting their 
mutual dissatisfaction ? With my hand placed upon my 
heart, I declare that no public nor private act took 
place in Chile that should bring upon her the animadver- 



36 

sion of Spain. There are, to respond for my veracity, 
those noble and patriotic notes of the cabinet of Santiago, 
which reduce to mere dust every fictitious circumstance 
of recrimination which had been raised against Chile by 
the mischievous emissaries of Spain. There is not in 
them a single charge which has not been dispelled. There 
is not a single accusation which has not been confronted 
and confounded as an error or as an imposture. There is 
not a single affront which has not been answered with the 
noble dignity of right and moderation. (Vehement acclam- 
rnations of "Long live Chile"' — "Long live President 
Perez " — " Long live the Covarrubias Ministry.") But, 
gentlemen, when the world pronounces as you do between 
Chile and Spain, it is evident that the former gains al- 
ready half of the contest. I may in truth say to-day, 
that in the conflict between nations there are two battles 
to be fought. The first is the battle of right. The second 
is the battle of force. A day will arrive in which humani- 
ty will not have to submit save to the former of these 
tests, when its grievances will be decided by humanity itself; 
but though that hour has not yet arrived for us, its 
dawn announces itself with vivid brillancy. See what has 
happened yesterday in Italy. See what is taking place to- 
day in the Great Republic of the North. See what will 
take place to-morrow in a republic — unhappy, but a sister, 
and beloved of our heart — in the republic of Mexico. (Cheers 
for Mexico. Cheers for Benito Juarez.) See also what will 
take place to-morrow in another republic, sister likewise of 
Mexico — sister likewise of the United States of Columbia — 
in the republic of Chile ! (Applause.) Yes, gentlemen, 
Chile has already gained that first battle of right, and she 
has gained it not on the paper of her own chancery, but 
all the representatives of neutral nations, common friends 
of Chile and Spain — and from whom perhaps the latter 
believed herself to have a better right to expect a favorable 
decision — have declaied her victory in an explicit, solemn 
and durable manner. There remains then only the battle 
of force to be decided; and I hope, gentlemen, it^ will be 
decided soon and gloriously. (Applause.) There is not in 
this a challenge offered to Spain. On the contrary, Chile, 
whose prosperity was borne on the thousand wings of pro- 
gress, has not desired this war, has not provoked it, ^yould 
avoid it even at this very hour at the cost of all sacrifices. 



37 

with the exception of one only — that of her honor. (Vehe- 
ment acclamatioDs.) But when that war is thrust in 
our face by an uncivil ultimatum, selecting the grand an- 
niversary of the country'is birth for the affront, and consum- 
mating it afterwards with the scandalous pillage of our 
unarmed bays — what remains to be done but to accept 
that war and prepare ourselves for the combat? (Applause.) 
Yes, we have accepted it, and we will march cheerfully to 
encounter the common enemy, after having invested in the 
Ark of the country, our gold, the fruit of noble labor; and 
we are disposed to water her fields, which that labor had 
fertilized, with the best blood of our brothers, (Bravo ! 
Bravo ! ) Now, I ask, shall we fight alone while 
America, for whose cause we have unsheathed the sword, 
look passively at the struggle ? (Unanimous cries of 
No! No!) Or shall we renew, gentlemen, those grand 
days when Bolrvar and San Martin breaking loose like a 
sublime tempest from the furthest extremities of America, 
discharged in the heart of those mountains which the hand 
of God has placed all along our boundaries as a common 
bulwark, the thunderbolt of Ayacucho, the thunderbolt of 
independence and of the liberty of America ? To you 
who are the sons of Bolivar and of Santander, of Sucre 
and of Miranda, to you who are the representatives of the 
three nations of Old Columbia (which heaven grant may 
again reunite in one reconciled family), to you it 
belongs to answer. (Enthusiastic acclamations — prolonged 
Cheers for Bolivar, San Martin, and Cochrane, etc.) And 
at this appropriate moment permit me to make a pause 
and bring forward the second question which I introduced 
at the beginning. Is this war only against Chile or is it 
against all America ? Spain has always given, as the only 
reason of her aggressions from Valparaiso to Panama, the 
respect of her citizens violated by our people and govern- 
ments, giving for their foundation the death of two country 
laborers in a domestic broil, I know not in what farm in 
the vallies of Peru. But the accusation in itself, was it 
just, was it true ? No, gentlemen, on the contrary, per- 
mit me to state that the accusation is based only on the 
most abject, iniquitous of frauds, the fraud of ingratitude. 
More than sufficient right has the American to detest the 
name of Spaniard, especially in the present century and 
on the present soil. I need make no comments on this. 



38 

I am treading the soil which Morillo conquered. I am 
standing on the country of Caldas and of Pola Salavarrieta 
(prolonged applause.) But the easy and magnanimous 
heart of Americans soon forgot all this, and the Spa- 
niards returned to find among us, I will not say an asyl- 
um but, a home, a new country. See what is taking place 
in all the great cities of South America, in Caracas, in 
Bogota, in Buenos Ayres, in Quito, in Lima, in Santiago, 
in Panama itself. In all parts you will find Spaniards ad- 
vantageously located in commerce, in the clergy, in public 
posts, in society, at the very firesides of the Americans 
who have given them fortune, family, and as much or 
more happiness than would have fallen to them in 
their own far off country. (It is true ! It is true !) 
If this be so, how dares the Spanish Government assert 
so vile and ungrateful a calumny ? How pretend to 
exact from us that respect which of ourselves we 
freely give ; for, gentlemen, respect is not decreed (laugh- 
ter and applause) by pointing at our breasts the mouths of 
her cannon. The truth is, that Spain, as a people, 
does not feel, and does not believe anything of this kind. I 
know Spain. I have sat, not long since, at her firesides. 
Kelatives, by me beloved, live there. I feel the generous 
blood of her race boil in my veins, and I esteem Spain 
because I have a memory, and I cherish in my republican 
heart the sentiment of justice for all. But the Spanish 
government, which does not feel or believe this either, and 
which makes its first victim the noble but unwary and 
credulous Spanish people, fosters the imposture for its 
own ends, miserable ends which Spain herself will some 
day repudiate. The violation of respect, therefore, is no- 
thing else than a pretext for systematic aggression — 
for the war already general against America. The true 
cause is, on the contrary, that which is the least respect- 
able in the intercourse of communities, it is the guano. 
(Applause.) And otherwise, do you believe, gentlemen, 
that to pursue that chimerical respect for her subjects, 
Spain would have unfolded this policy uniformly aggres- 
sive and invasive towards all those that were formerly her 
colonies ? Do you believe that General Gandara was sent 
to the solitary and once obscure shores of unconquerable 
Santo Domingo solely in search of respect ? Do you be- 
lieve that the valiant, the honorable General Prim took a 



39 

Spanish army to Mexico, by virtue of a tripartite treaty 
extorted from France and Eiigland, in coercion of that same 
respect which Spain — proud Spain, declared herself impo- 
tent to obtain alone? Do you believe that Admiral Pare- 
ja, the least respectful of the courteous Spanish Marine, 
came to this coast in search of respect in the Pacific? Do 
you believe that for this same respect the Commisario 
Mazarredo let loose on the world his famous doctrine of 
revindication? And be it understood, citizens of 
the United States of Columbia, be it understood that 
you have not yet been recognised by Spain as an indepen- 
dent people (several voices, ^'We do nob wish it! We do not 
need it!'') be it understood that neither the Narvaez 
Ministry, nor the O'Donnell Ministry have disapproved, as 
the Pacheco Ministry did in the tribune — in the tribune 
alone — the principle of Mazarredo: and you well know that 
what one Ministry in Spain does, that which succeeds un- 
does; and that while one Minister is sent to adjust a treaty 
under the faith and honor of nations, another is sent to 
destroy it by cannon shots. (Applause.) But permit me 
to continue, bringing to mind what Spain has done to force 
from us respect for her sons, (laughter.) Do you believe 
that through respect for Mazarredo, for his poisoning in a 
glass of beer on board the steamer Faita, for his assassina- 
tion by the clatter of empty kerosene cans, for his perse- 
cution in a fantastic hand-car to Colon by all the colored 
people of the Isthmus, do you think that for all these 
fabulous stories Spain would send and maintain in the 
Pacific the most powerful squadron that has been seen in 
these waters, and precisely at the time that her navy emer- 
ged from its secular prostration, when she most needed it 
on her own coast to sustain her rank as a nation of the 
first order which she had solicited; when it was urgent 
for her to collect it on the shores of Cuba now placed in 
the twofold danger of a triumphant insurrection in Santo 
Domingo and the abolition of slavery in North America, 
two terrible and intrusive infections which she can ward 
off only with a triple sanitary cordon of iron-clad ships ? 
Do you believe, that Spain would send, as she did not 
delay in sending, new reenforcements in support of that 
respect, that her ships may rot in listlessness in our 
harbors, making herself forgetful of that traditional his- 
tory already converted into a proverb among our people, 



40 

that no ship of war that ever doubled Cape Horn with 
the Spanish flag has returned to view the waters of the At- 
lantic ? [Applause and shouts of " Yiva Lord Coch- 
rane" !] And do you believe, in fine, that she would 
have claimed from Peril the payment of a prodigous 
sum of millions in which are included the expenses of 
the war of Independence, exacting for this outrage 
the double mortgage of her honor and her revenue ? 
And do you believe, finally, that only in quest of 
respect Admiral Pareja exacted that Chile should burn a 
little powder for the penon of her Admiral's ship, and 
because she did not do so declares war against her and 
treacherously seizes her ships ? Oh ! No. It is es- 
sential that this undignified farce should be concluded, for 
us and for the world. It is essential that the armed hand 
of America should lift up the curtain of this comedy 
with which an attempt is made to deceive all nations and 
Spain herself; and to declare, once for all, that the cause is 
one, that the principle is common, that the danger is iden- 
tical for all. For in truth, gentlemen, that which is be- 
ing done is the excavation on our entire borders of one 
sepulchre, in which if they thrust us one by one it is 
only to render more facile the task of these royal grave- 
diggers who still believe they do us an honor because, 
on easting our dead bodies in the pit, they enshroud 
us with their purple robes. (Bravos). And in this com- 
ing war, I should say, in this war raging this very day, 
permit me to point out two distinguished points which 
will have a vast influence in the development of this 
contest ; the Ghincha Islands^ the sole object which Spain 
covets, and the Isthmus of Panama, the sole strategetic 
route by which Europe can attack the Kepublics of the 
Pacific in their vulnerable side. And do not believe 
that the Chincha Islands should be always a prop- 
erty solely and exclusively American, because of the 
treasures which they contain, but because a maratime 
European Power of the first or second rank, once mis- 
tress of them, could maintain in the Pacific a squadron 
so powerful that it would be necessary for us to sail 
out of our ports with hats in our hands to plead 
permission of these new lords of this same sea which 
half a century ago we made ours by force of vic- 
tory. [Applause.] And will all America consent that 



41 

this shall happen ? "Will England and America, apart 
from every moral aifection, from every notion of justice, 
from every interest of the balance of power, tolerate 
that their commerce shall be submitted anew to the 
same laws which governed the Peninsular monopoly 
in the days of the famous affairs in Portobello and Pa- 
nama ? Will they consent that Spain, whose finan- 
cial ruin reaches the last extremity, — not to say 
the utmost disgrace, according to the news which the 
steamer that arrived this very day at Colon has brought 
us, — should cancel her bankruptcy with English capital. 
North American capital, the capital of all the markets of 
Europe, invested on a gigantic scale in the commerce of 
the Pacific ? This, gentlemen, is what we shall know 
when the news arrives, from Europe and the United 
States in the early days of the coming year, of the effect 
which the conduct of Admiral Pareja has produced ; and 
the war between Spain and Chili which, if to-day 
it be an isolated aggression, will to-morrow be a con- 
tinental act. But with regard to what you will do on 
the Isthmus of Panama, this route which to-day is the 
property of all free and enlightened nations, but which 
to-morrow may possibly be also the momentary property 
of invading rulers, we need not await news from any part. 
Will you consent, all the ports in the Pacific once closed, 
as I deeply hope they soon will be, to the Spanish squad- 
ron, that their public or private emmisaries should take 
from this Isthmus a single naval supply, a single grain of 
powder, a single grain? of wheat, a single grain of sand ? 
(Unanimous cries of No ! No !) And if to sustain these 
noble intentions you should have to fight among your 
picturesque mountains, in the wild defiles of your grand 
railway, against a bold invader, I am sure of this, you 
will not fight alone. There will fight by your side every 
man of courage who has come to reside in this city, the 
centre of the universe from its furthermost extremities ; 
there will fight with you the English, the German, the 
Scandinavian, the Italian, and above all there will fight 
with us, those sons of North America whom I perceive 
here in a considerable number ; for all those men adore 
in their hearts that sublime motto, the Isthmus of gold, 
as eternal as the Isthmus of land on which we tread, and 
which must always unite the two Continents of America 



42 

in one single group, in one single family, in one single 
home — the Doctrine of Monroe — America for the Ameri- 
cans I (Enthusiastic and prolonged applause. Long 
live Chile and America.) 

Dr Pablo Arosemena was next called for, who made a 
few pertinent remarks in the same strain, which were in- 
terrupted by frequent applause. The meeting then ad- 
journed until the commission shall again convoke it for 
their report. 



LETTEK OF 
B. VICUNA MAOKENHA, 

To the Editor of "La Epoca," of Madrid, 

UPON THE REAL CAUSES AND MOTIVES OF 

THE WAR BETWEEN CHILI AND SPAIN. 



" On board the steamer Pacific, in the latitude of 
Panama, November 4, 1865. 

" My dear Sir — It would hardly be possible for you 
to comprehend the sudden and deplorable war which has 
sprung up between Chili and Spain if a frank voice from 
these far-distant zones were not to explain to your just 
mind and enlightened patriotism so unexpected and ex- 
traordinary an event. However, not because unknown 
and humble do I refraili from assuring you that that voice 
is the voice of an honest man, and a sincere friend of the 
Spanish people, in the midst of whom I was so fortunate 
as to pass some of the happiest days of my life. The 
manner in which I am going to have the honor of address- 
ing you will be the strongest proof of the noble motives 
which prompt me to write to you these few words, which, 
although hurriedly written, refer to the gravest affair with 
which true Spaniards and true Americans can occupy 
themselves to-day. 

*' After forty years of peace and independence. South 
America had become thoroughly reconciled to the old 
mother country. Chili had signed a treaty of peace with 
her, and that country — model of loyalty, prudence, and 
energy — offered to Spaniards the most unlimited and cor- 
dial hospitality. You may assure yourself, beyond a doubt, 
that there is not a single Spaniard settled in Chili who 
may not have made a fortune more or less considerable^ 



44 

and there is not a single one who may not have Chilian 
children. I do not purpose to cite special cases. Inform 
yourself of any honest Spaniard whatever who may have 
visited our shores, and if that man does not wilfully dis- 
tort the truth, I am not afraid for a single moment of be- 
ing falsified. On the contrary, Chili, on account of her 
mild climate, her productions similar to those ol the Pen- 
insula, the serious character of her people, her traditions 
of order and respect for the laws, had become the favorite 
resort of those who came from Spain to these regions in 
search of a home and a new country. 

" How is it, then, that all this has disappeared in an 
instant, and, according to the latest dates (Oct. 17), 
Admiral Pareja should be in Valparaiso, threatening that 
rich and splendid city, and that there should be collected 
in Santiago, under the vigilance of the police, all the Span- 
iards, to serve as hostages for the consequences of an at- 
tack, otherwise unpunished, against her defenceless 
people. 

" It is that which the Lima periodical I have the honor 
to enclose will explain to you, in the article entitled 
"Fortnightly Review," and which I will try to make 
clearer in a few words. 

" Since the announcement of the coming of Admiral 
Pinzon, there has been in Chili and in Peru a vague rumor 
of alarm. The aggressive tendencies of Marshal O'Donnell 
were well known, and the annexation of Santo Domingo 
— the first threat against American nationalities — was re- 
cent. The personal conduct of the Admiral, and the ar- 
rival of Commissary Mazarredo converted that rumor into 
a suspicion. The military occupation of the Chinchas, 
and the famous declaration of recovery, unfortunately 
gave cause for those doubts and fears, and converted them 
into an international scandal. 

" The aggression of Admiral Pinzon was against Peril, 
but Chili could not be indifferent. Her geographical- and 
commercial position, her history, her security, were all in- 
volved in that question. Picture to yourself Portugal in- 
vaded by France, declaring the right of conquest, or 
any other offense aginast her nationality. Could the Gov- 
ernment of Spain, without being guilty of treason and 
mibecility, remain indifferent, simply because the attack 
was not directed against her own territory ? 



45 

" A better comparison can not be made, for it was ex- 
actly what took place. You know that^ in 1820, San 
Martin had come from Chili to liberate Pern, because the 
independence of that country was the complement of ours. 
You also know that, in 1830, another Chilian army de- 
feated General Santa Cruz, President of Bolivia, Avho an- 
nexed Peru to that country, and that, also, because the 
safety of Peru was our own safety. 

^' But how did Chili manifest her adhesion to the cause 
of Peru ? That is the only question to be solved, because 
in it are found all the claims which have given rise to the 
war. The people, by acts purely evidences of sympathy 
and enthusiasm ; the Government, by no act which was 
not in entire conformity with the law of nations. I know 
how much has been falsely attributed to the country and 
to the Government in this matter, but the notes of our 
Chancery and the Tavira-Covarrubias settlement, are am- 
ple proofs of what I assert. I will make yet another ob- 
servation. When the war in Mexico commenced against 
the Emperor of the French, collections of money were 
made throughout the country, and large sums were sent to 
President Juarez, to enable him to maintain the indepen- 
dence of the country against the French invaders. Could 
a case be shown of more evident hostility against Fi-ance ? 
What was the satisfaction demanded by the powerful and 
susceptible Government of Napoleon III..? None whatever*. 
And that because the governments of Europe, in spite of 
the dense cloud of error and calumny which darkens our 
republics in their eyes, understand that we are subject to 
the same impressions, the same alarms, the same sympa- 
thies which are felt by the people whom they govern, and 
consequently subject to the same duties and the same ob- 
ligations. And in this light permit me to ask you, would 
Russia have declared war or demanded satisfaction for the 
public manifestations, the contributions of money, the pop- 
ular processions, the simultaneous, and persistent attacks 
of the Press in France and Spain in favor of unfortunate 
Poland ? Why, then, should the popular sympathy of Chili 
for a brother and neighboring country, violently assault- 
ed and offended in her honor and the principle of indepen- 
dence which was common to us, be looked upon in any 
other light ? You should judge the affairs of America as 
the affairs of all civilized countries ought to be judged ; 



46 

then, and only then, will you enter the regions of reason, 
of mutual advantages, of civilization itself. 

" But it has been said that there was a real insult to 
the Spanish flag, and that the nanae cf Isabel II. was 
dragged through the mire of defamation ; and these two 
imputations have been made a question of honor — an im- 
mediate and sufficient cause of war. It may be just for 
me to assure you, on the faith of a man of honor and 
truth, that the iirst assertion is entirely false. I was a 
present witness of the event of the 1st of May, 1864, and 
there was not even the slightest affront to a flag then still 
friendly,, and which was placed, as usual, on a staff so 
elevated, that no one could have touched it, though 
desirous of doing so. 

" With regard to the second charge, I must acknowledge 
that there were mean and cowardly acts on the part of an 
obscure paper, gotten up for speculation upon the scandal 
of an exceptional situation. But did not the Government 
protest against this journal, offering to try it according to 
the lav/s ? Did not society protest and condemn it to 
scorn ? What more could one wish that it should have 
done ? And in Spain itself have not journals of high 
grade been published, offensive to the throne — as the El 
Guirrigai y El Tio Camorra, among others ? What won- 
der, then, that the San Martiri should come to light in an 
aggrieved and justly-distrustful country ? And the Punch 
of London, and the Charivari of Paris, do they not pub- 
lish pictures and articles highly offensive to the dignity of 
the Spanish monarchs ? And will Spain, because of that, 
demand satisfaction with the mouth of the cannon, and 
declare war against those countries ? 

" In reality, there has been no offense against Spanish 
honor which should give occasion for war, still less justify 
it. If the Spaniards have always been treated with cor- 
diality and kindness ; if they have all found fortunes, flim- 
ily, and social considerations like the native sons of the 
country, and with even a preference over strangers of other 
nationalities ; if in forty years of peace, there has never 
been a single mutual quarrel between the two countries — 
no shadow — not a single diplomatic rupture whatever ; if 
the treaty of peace in force for more than twenty years 
has never been violated ; if many of the highest employees 
of the Government, in the Eepublic, and even in her Con- 



47 

sular Corps, are Spaniards, liow, then, can the object of 
the war be the obtaining of satisfaction from Chili, so 
generous and hospitable, or reparation for offences which 
have never been committed ? How can they make a pre- 
tence of vindicating Castilian honor which has never been 
offended, and which, on the contrary, has been respected in 
all that really demands respect ? Truly, either the Spanish 
Government is wilfully blind, or her agents have put a 
traitorous bandage over their eyes ; because, by the war 
which she has undertaken, she will reap only calamity and 
disaster, instead of the benefits which a long and honorable 
peace have furnished. 

" I ask again, how is it that this war exists, and threat- 
ens the two countries who are engaged in it with injuries 
without end ? 

" I do not wish in this place to discuss the events with 
which the Press in Spain and America has already occu- 
pied itself, and which have brought things to that deplor- 
able state in which they are to be found, and which have 
been judged according to their real value, which amounts 
to nothing after discarding Pinzon's boasts and Mazarre- 
do's fears. 

" I will only permit myself to show you how, in rela- 
tion to Chili, there has risen from such slight causes, so 
insignificant, so accidental some of them, so entirely free 
of bad intentions, and so unworthy, all of them, of occupy- 
ing for more than an hour the attention of two civilized 
countries — a tumult of recriminations which have dragged 
us into a war lamentable for both. 

" I am going to place before you, with the sincerity of 
a righteous mind, the truth — the sad, but stern truth — of 
all that has happened, I fulfill thus the principal object 
of this letter, and conform with the promise which I made 
at the commencement, to explain the almost fabulous 
events which are unfolding themselves in the Pacific. 

'' Unfortunately for Spain and Chili, there existed in 
the latter country a diplomatic agent of the former, whose 
character — generous, but without energy or judgment — 
was found subject to the influence of any one, and easily 
prevailed upon to take any particular course. Senor Ta- 
vira, with whose personal friendship I have been honored, 
had these defects among his numerous good qualities, and 
consequently he was involved in disgrace. 



48 

" In the first days of the Chincha troubles, there arose, 
as was natural, a violent party among the Spaniards res- 
ident in Santiago. This was principally composed of 
three doctors — two of some merit, and a homoeopathist 
who, we know not why, has had bestowed upon him the 
Cross of Charles III, which to-day he would have deserv- 
ed to lose, on account of his contemptible adulation to 
the Chilians since war was declared. These men made 
themselves the head of a party, and united night after 
night in gatherings, at the house of a bookseller, also a 
Catalan, who should have had nought but feelings of gra- 
titude and respect towards a country in which he counted 
many friends, and in which he had made his fortune. 

*•' By that circle, and. through the means of accomplices, 
Seiior Tavira was urged to get up claims, to raise charges, 
to invent accusations to blow the flame between the two 
countries, these leaders forming a party, by means of let- 
ters written to Spain, combinations with the Spanish 
squadron then lying off the Chinchas, and an active pro- 
pagation among the Spaniards of all classes, not only in 
Chili, but in all the republics of the Pacific, and even 
those of the Plata. This was the more incomprehensible 
in the leaders of this agitation in Chili, inasmuch as all 
of them were married to Chilians, and had children in the 
country. Now they wander scattered, and anathematized 
as ingrates, to a country to which they have done innu- 
merable wrongs, in return for its having given them wives, 
homes, and respect. 

^' Moved by these strong but unworthy influences, 
Mr. Tavira qualified the position which Chili took in the 
Peruvian- Spanish question in a way completely false, ex- 
aggerated, and odious. And permit me to make known 
here, that if the Spanish Government had not possessed 
aught but the notes of ner Minister, and the perfidious 
private communications which had been written to Madrid 
from the Pacific, in demand of crosses or lucre, by which to 
judge of what had passed, she would not have formed an 
opinion different from that which she has manifested, nor 
have followed a line of conduct different from that which 
she has followed. But since, joined to these accusations 
and claims — sometimes puerile, sometimes senseless, and 
always unfounded — there have gone to Spain the replies 
of our Chancellor, it was necessary to be wilfully blind in 



49 

order not to see, overthrown and confuted, all those imputa- 
tions. So certain is this, that Mr. Tavira himself, turning 
from his first impressions, formed through the opinions of 
others, and hidden intrigues, voluntarily called the con- 
vention which bears his name, and whose violent c ondem- 
nation neither in Chili nor any country of the globe could 
be understood or explained, because in it the question of 
mutual honor was settled beyond all susceptibility. — 
Thus at least they made haste to declare it, for the justifi- 
cation of Chili in Spain, to all the Cabinets of which was 
given official knowledge of that settlement. 

Upon this point, I may be allowed to make an earnest 
protest against one of the basest calumnies which have 
been forged by bad Spaniards against the dignity of Chili, 
and Spain herself. I allude to the senseless but widely 
circulated rumor, that M. Tavira had received a heavy 
sum of money to make the referred to settlement. 
Such a charge is beneath discussion. Spain has not such 
vile sons as would sell her honor for gold, nor is Chili so 
mean-spirited as to seek peace by bribery. There was, in 
truth, an incident, traitorously distorted, which might 
have given ri'se to that imposture. When, on the first of 
June of the present year. Deputy Matta, objecting to 
the paragraphs of courtesy in the Annual Message of the 
President of the Republic to the Spanish Grovernment 
and to her Minister in Chili, as an excessive condescen- 
tion, said, in his discourse, ''that perhaps these mani- 
festations were the fruit of a secret understanding be- 
tween the Spanish Envoy and the Chilian Chancery." 
But that secret understanding about the phrases of a 
public document could never be interpreted as a suspicion 
or an allusion to base fraud. It is also said now, by the 
public voice of those countries, that the partisans of the 
war are interested in the negociation of the heavy debt 
which Spain claimed from Peru, and that that is the 
cause of her aggression upon Chili, and of her policy 
resolutely hostile to America. But be it said, in hon- 
or of the race to which we all belong, such calumnies 
are only worthy of the obscure adventurers who invented 
them for a speculation. The humblest politician in Chili 
would be above such an imputation, and we have no reason 
to believe that such is not the case in Spain. 

Thus I have briefly treated, but with chivalrous fidel- 

3 



50 

ity, tlie true history of the first part of this affair, other- 
wise almost incomprehensible. It appears that there 
were intrigues on the part of the discontented and violent 
who created, by means of the unwary spirit of the Span- 
ish Minister, an imaginary diplomatic quarrel, and the 
storm, which afterwards increased by evil winds, by the 
agency of unsettled and ambitious characters in the 
Spanish squadron, by innumerable manifestoes indiscrim- 
inately signed, by the pure spirit of companion and coun- 
trymanship (and probably by motives less noble) has be- 
come a positive war between two countries which yester- 
day were living in the most perfect harmony. 

Now permit to me consider the second part of this la- 
mentable affair, or rather its denouement, for it is almost 
impossible to imagine that causes so insignificant should 
have produced such disastrous results, unless in this same 
denouement there may have intervened circumstances 
equally peculiar and no less incomprehensible to a dispas- 
sionate critic, than those which I have hastily mentioned. 

In this unfortunate conflict, all has been a question of 
words. As, at the commencement, the bland and indeci- 
sive disposition of Mr. Tavira gave origin to the difiiculty, 
so, in the end, the persistent obstinacy of Admiral Pareja 
has provoked the war. He was the most active promoter 
of the dissatisfaction with the Tavira-Covarrubias settle- 
ment, and since his arrival on the shores of the Pacific — 
where he was born — has manifested such an inimical spirit 
to Ohili, that many have been led to believe that he was 
prompted in his actions by the smgular idea of avenging 
the death of his relative. General Pareja, who fell in the 
War of Independence, commanding a Spanish army on 
our coasts, fifty years ago. 

The Tavira settlement, disapproved by the Spanish 
Government, through the influence of her Admiral in the 
Pacific, and Tavira himself dismissed from office, the er- 
ror was committed of urging to the utmost reparation 
for the offence given and of replacing the Minister 
who was responsible for it. This was a signal evidence 
that Spain herself intentionally sought a war with Chili. 
The same thing had been done in Peru respecting the as- 
sault of Pinzon. Mazarredo was sent to make right his 
misdeeds, and, entrusted with the curing of the disease, 
had only made it worse. It was desirable to put an 



51 

end to the difficulties caused by the Tavira Convention, 
and so Admiral Pareja was sent to Chili — the very man 
who had been its bitterest censor, and who was interested 
in condeming it under all its phases. Could this fail to 
kindle the flame which threatens to embrace us all, if the 
wood or the fire are approached to the pile already pre- 
pared ? 

And not only that ; as an individual, as a character. 
Admiral Pareja has done all that was in his power to 
make a settlement impossible. He chose the glorious day 
which we celebrate as the anniversary of our inde- 
pendence, to arrive in our ports, without any intimation 
whatever tending to reunite the diplomatic relations which 
had not yet been broken, he sent us a peremptory and of- 
fensive ultimatum, to which there was no reply except 
war, and in fact commenced this by establishing, with four 
men-of-war, a blockade over the seventy or more ports of 
our coasts, without any previous notice to neutral com- 
commerce ; seizing all Chilian property within reach of 
his guns, and jesting at all positive law of the public right 
of nations, as has been made evident by the unanimous 
protests of the Diplomatic and Consular Corps accredited 
to the Kepublic. 

Thus it has been not events, but characters, not the of- 
fences^ of one nation against another, but the isolated acts 
of individuals, not mutual advantage nor the demands of 
the law of nations, but the personal defects of the emissaries 
of Spain, which have brought about this sad conflict, 
whose consequences it is given to none to foresee. The 
weakness of Mr. Tavira in getting up accusations destitute 
of all foundation, and the violence of Admiral Pareja in ag- 
gravating them by unjustifiable acts — in them you have 
the only cause of this war of individuals, of imperfect or- 
ganizations, of inconsiderate elections on the part of the 
Spanish Government, so far, unfortunately for her, from 
the theater of events, and consequently incapable of com- 
prehending their true character. 

And it is necessary, sir, that you should understand that 
I speak here under the hypothesis, honorable and rational, 
that all Spain seeks in Chili is reparation for an imaginary 
grievance, and that such a claim may have been made in 
the most complete good faith. 

I ought to declare to you, with the moderation which I 



52 

have tried not to lose for a single instant througHout this 
communication, that if unfortunately, Spain should cherish 
views with regard to our moral and forced submission to 
her influence, or of aggression upon our territory, or of 
isolated pretensions or in combination with other European 
powers, whichever they may be, and which have a tenden- 
cy to alter in the least our institutions, Spain and her allies 
would have but one thing to hope for, now and always, 
from all Chileans — war, unceasing war, until the entire 
EejDublic were a mountain of ruin and her people en masse 
an immense cemetery. 

Judge these events dispassionately, Mr. Editor, bringing 
to bear the public documents which |efer to them, and 
this brief review of the private, or, if you will, mysterious 
part of them, and putting your hand upon your heart — 
the heart of a loyal and honorable Spaniard — declare if 
there is any cause, pretext or excuse whatever, for this 
war between two nations of the same origin, the ■ same as- 
sociations, and the same religion. 

In the meantime, it is not for me to say what Chili 
will do in this contest, to which, without any desire or 
fault of hers, she has been provoked. 

I will only permit myself, before concluding, to simply 
ask — having made evident the fact that this war ought 
not to be — that it is without justification or possible ex- 
cuse — ivliat is the object which Spain has in view in car- 
rying it on ? 

I understand that there may be, even in this age, wars 
without cause or motive, and with no other foundation 
than the abuse of power. But although I understand 
that, Mr, Editor, I cannot possibly imagine the existence, 
in these times, of a war ivitJiout an object. 

What does Spain pretend ? Does she covet conquests, 
mercantile franchises, -influences, political or purely social 
like those which England proposes to wrest from Japan 
with the canon, and Spain and France united from Cochin- 
China ? No ! Nothing like that has the Spanish Gov- 
ernment in view, because in truth it would be to insult 
her deeply to suppose that by such means she should pro- 
pose to accomplish those ends in the present stage of civ- 
ilization and the law of nations. Spain, then, rendering 
fyll homage to her good faith, simply in'o-poses the revindi- 
cation of her honor and the respect of her subjects in those 
distant countries. 



53 

I have already clearly shown that that honor has not 
been offended in the least, and that that respect to Spanish 
subjects has been accorded in Chili, not from fear of Spain, 
certainly, but from innate love towards her, to the utmost 
limits of the most generous hospitality. 

But I am willinoj to admit, for a moment, that Chili 
was guilty of one or the other fault. Was the course pur- 
sued by Pinzon, Mazarredo and Pareja the one which ought 
to lead to a satisfactory solution of the difficulty — to se- 
cure the noble ends which the Cabinet of Madrid had in 
view ? Certainly not. On the contrary, the very oppo- 
site to that which they claimed should have been the re- 
sult. Facts are proving it. 

Mr. Tavira, in threatening notes, asked explanations 
from our Grovernment, showing, in support of his haughti- 
ness, the mouths of the cannons of his fleet. Neverthe- 
less, the Chilian Grovernment, without descending from 
its dignity, neither in its actions nor in its language, sat- 
isfied these diplomatic exactions fully and under the faith 
of the Spanish Grovernment itself, through her exacting 
envoy. 

These explanations cast aside as insufficient, Admiral 
Pareja, instead of demanding others more satisfactory, as 
he appears to have been authorized to do by his ostensible 
powers, (explanations which Chili could still have given, 
without injury to her honor), sent an ultimatum , which is 
the last word of nations before the voice of the cannon. 
Did she succeed thus in her object ? Quite the contrary, 
as you well know. 

Subsequently, he declared a hloclcade of all our ports, 
as a means of pressure. Has he progressed thus in his 
plans ? The declaration of war was our reply. 

And, now, what more can he do ? Bomhard our ports, 
as he vaguely insinuates in his last dispatch to. the Eng- 
lish Minister in Chili. But in case of such barbarity, 
would he have the right to condemn the inevitable reprisal 
on our part ? 

Will Spain send new ships ? Will she send troops for 
disembarkation ? Will she drain her treasury and her 
best blood in expeditions much more distant than those 
of Santo Domingo ? And in the meantime. Chili, who 
needs assistance from no one to enable her to live and 
fight, will maintain her ground to a man, and the object 
of the war will never be attained. 



54 



Behold then, Mr. Editor — a war impossible of suc- 
cess on account of its causes, which had hardly author- 
ized a diplomatic rupture, and which is going to be im- 
possible in the attainment of its object. 

And with regard to the vjeahness of Chili, for which 
you yourself, Mr. Editor, have asked, within my remem- 
brance — doubtless, with the best intentions — a "little com- 
passion," permit me to say a word, which will certainly 
not be a boast. 

There is one force relative, and another intrinsic, pos- 
sessed by all nations. Of the former, all the advantages 
are in favor of Chili, on account of the distance, the stormy 
seas, the high price of provisions, the scarcity of spoil in 
her waters, all the prerogatives, in fact, natural to a coun- 
try which carries on a war in her own territory against 
one which comes to attack her from a distance of three 
thousand leagues. 

But Chili certainly relies more upon herself, upoii her 
intrinsic strength than upon these accidents, which to a 
certain extent are extraneous. 

She relies upon her credit intact, and which stands 
highest in the markets of Europe. She relies upon the 
homogeneousness of her race and the political unity of all 
her inhabitants. She relies upon the valor always shown 
by her sons, upon those facile means which maritime law 
sanctions, and by which the weakest people may carry 
destruction and ruin to the very heart of the strongest. 
She relies upon the indomitable patriotism of her sons, 
who, in fifty years, have raised themselves from the most 
miserable colony of Spain to the most flourishing Ke- 
public of that part of the New World ; and lastly, upon 
the justice of her cause, recognized, in the most explicit 
manner, solemnly and unanimously, by the impartial rep- 
resentatives of all the countries mutually friendly to Spain 
and Chili, and perhaps more friendly to the former than 
to the latter. 

Judge, then, Mr. Editor, if Admiral Pareja is likely to 
succeed in the object of this war, yhich he alone has 
brought about, and which he alone expects to bring to an 
end by the right of might. 

Do you know how that Kepublic has replied to the 
threat of war which Pareja has intimated with his four 
ships ? By ordering the prolongation of telegraph lines 



55 

througliout the Kepublic, the opening of immense high- 
ways, the completion of four or six lines of railroad in 
actual construction, the abolition of all taxes, and above 
all, by unanimously rejecting in Congress, (where the writer 
held an honorable place,) a law confiscating the property of 
Spaniards, at the very moment when the Spanish ships 
were confiscating all the Chilian property which they found 
within their reach. 

Let the Spanish nation reflect upon what is passing in 
those distant seas — let the Government open its eyes to 
the light, the clear light of facts, and not to the obscure 
and false light of mysterious acts and deceptive intrigues 
— and she will see that if a profound and immediate 
change does not take place in her policy towards these 
people, an immense abyss opens before her future. This 
is not a threat, Mr. Editor. Heaven grant it may not be 
sad prophecy ! 

In the meantime, I have fulfilled, to the best of my 
ability, the promise which I made to you at the begin- 
ning of this letter — to speak only the truth of this deplo- 
rable affair. 

To you and your colleagues of the press, who have done 
rare but honorable justice to our people, it is given to 
judge them as you see fit, inasmuch as I do not impose 
these revelations upon you, although faithful and well- 
meant, as a rule of conduct, nor upon the press, nor upon 
the people of the Spanish Government. 

With sentiments of distinguished consideration, your 
most obedient servant, 

BEi!^JAMIN YICUKA MACKENNA. 



THE MONEOE DOCTEmE. 



mmB iEETiHG m the cooper IIISTITyTE; 

JANUARY 6, 1866. 

IN DEFENCE OF THE REPUBLICS OF 

Chili, Peru, Mexico and Saint Domingo. 



From the New York Times of January 7, 1866. 

Quite a large meeting, all things considered, was held 
last night in the large hall of the Cooper Institute, for 
the avowed purpose of reaffirming the spirit of the Monroe 
Doctrine, and of expressing a sympathy with the feebler 
and struggling Kepublics of the Continent. The hall was 
appropriately decorated with bunting and transparencies. 
On a strip of cloth, stretched across the front of the plat- 
form, were the words, '' Heroic Santo Domingo, Chili, 
Peru, Mexico. If they have not conquered, they will con- 
quer." And on a draped transparency, the words, " Henry 
Winter Davis. His spirit lives with us to-night." 

At eight o'clock, Mr. Squier, accompanied by W. C' 
Bryant, Peter Cooper, Edward E. Dunbar, Hon. Mr. Pas- 
ton, and others, entered the hall, and were greeted with 
cheers. 

Mr. Squier called the meeting to order, read the call, 
and nominated Mr. Bryant as President, with Messrs. 
Webb, Garrison, Jerome, Beekman, Cooper, Tieman, Lea- 
vitt. Walker, Greeley, Dunbar, Kosecrans, Pas ton, &c., as 
vice-presidents, and Messrs. Bell, Wheeler, and Anthon as 
Secretaries. 



57 

President — William Cullen Bryant. Vice-Presidents — 
William H. Wehb ; Cornelius K. Garrison ; Leonard W. 
Jerome ; Hon. James W. Beekman ; Peter Cooper ; Danl. 
F. Tieman : Eev. Joshua Leavitt ; Hon. Robt. J. Walker; 
Major-General J. A, Garfield ; Manton Marble ; Hon. 
Horace Greeley ; John E. Williams ; Edward E. Dunbar ; 
Major-General Rosecrans ; Hon. Hiram Walbridge ; Hon. 
Theo. E. Tomlinson ; General E. L. Yiele ; Hon. Charles 
D. Paston. Secretaries — J. B. Wheelock ; Col. J. W. 
Watson ; Col. A. H. Duganne ; Jas. L. Anthony ; Joseph 
Bell. 

SPEECH OF WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT. 

Fellow-citizens : I cannot better state the purpose 
for which we have come together than it has been stated 
in the call and in the observations made by the gentleman 
of the committee who has just addressed you. We are 
here, as he very truly said, not for the purpose of creating 
public opinion, but of giving it a free, a full and enthusi- 
astic expression. We have come here to assure the Gov- 
ernment of our support in resisting such audacious at- 
tempts as we have lately seen to interfere in the politics 
of Mexico. (Applause.) It is with deep sorrow, my 
friends, that I find myself unable to introduce to you this 
evening one whom we expected to make the principal ad- 
dress here, Hon. Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland. He 
was engaged to be present, but death interposed between 
him and the fulfilment of the engagement, and that eloquent 
voice, to which you . would have listened with so much 
pleasure, that voice which always spoke from a full mind, 
and which uttered the dictates of a sincere, manly, gen- 
erous, and fearless heart, is silent forever. To Winter 
Davis, more than to any other man in Maryland, that 
State owes it that she choose the better part, and remain- 
ed among the States that were faithful to the Union. — 
(Applause.) If he had lived, he would have added to the 
obligations to him under which his country now rests, by 
maintaining and vindicating with all his eloquence and 
all the enthusiasm of his noble nature the cause which has 
called us together to-night. 

Mr. Bryant then announced that it was the intention of 
the committee, after the reading of the resolutions and 
letters, to adjourn the meeting to some other evening. 



58 

when the attendance of prominent men, now detained by 
business in Washington, could be secured. 
Mr. Squier then read the following letters : - 

FEGM HON. MONTGOMERY BLAIR, LATE POSTMASTER* 
GENERAL. 

Washington, Dec. 12, 1865. 
To the Committee of the " Monroe Doctrine " Meeting, 

Neiu York. 

Gentlemen : I regret that my professional engagements 
prev^ent me from accepting your invitation to participate in 
your meeting. The recent concerted aggressions of Euro- 
pean powers on the free States of this Continent, culmi- 
nating in the outrage of Spain upon Chili, demand an 
outspoken expression of American feeling. The President 
in his recent Message has declared, in the calm and dis- 
passionate tone becoming the gravity of the occasion and 
the dignity of his place, that these wrongs must cease. — 
Our people should now meet and manifest their purpose 
to sustain him in upholding Kepublicanism in America. I 
rejoice that the people of New York intend to respond so 
promptly. 

The late rebellion was the work of these European Pow- 
ers. By their money and intrigue it was inaugurated. 

They fomented, encouraged, and recognized it, with a 
view to suppress the growth of republicanism in Europe, 
and to resume their sway over this continent. We should, 
in my opinion, have sooner crushed the rebellion if we had 
boldly from the first confronted the instigators of it, and 
afforded the lovers of freedom in Europe an opportunity 
to help us, by striking at our enemies there. Shall we 
take longer counsel of an unreasoning dread of these Pow- 
ers, and continue to tolerate their aggressions, which have 
cost us so. dearly ; or shall we imitate the wiser boldness 
of our fathers, whose manly courage saved our country 
and our sister republics from such wrongs, even whilst 
we were comparatively a feeble Power ? Are those Euro- 
pean tyrants so strong in the affections of their own peo- 
ple or in material resources that we must bow before 
them, and speak with bated breath of the right of the 
American people to be exempt from European conquest ? 
Far from it. It is because we have sapped the foundations 



59 

of their thrones in the hearts of their people that they 
have conspired against us ; and they have conspired only 
because they dared not offend their own people by striking 
US openly. 

The people of France are still loyal to the traditions 
which allied them in feeling and in arms with our own 
people in the last century. They are as indignant almost 
as our own people at the blow thrust at us through Mex- 
ico by their Emperor. It is not the waste of their means 
or of their blood which makes the Mexican enterprise so 
odious to the people of France ; it is the proof it affords 
that the third Napoleon is false to the policy and to the 
friends of that Napoleon whose name was his passport to 
the throne, and that he is doing the work of the allied 
despots v/ho dethroned the great Napoleon, in seeking to 
destroy free government in America, which the founder of 
his dynasty aided in building up and strengthening as a 
bulwark of the freedom and power of France. No gen- 
uine Bonapartist can think the honor of France committed 
to the maintenance of a Hapsburg on an American throne. 
On the contrary, they feel dishonored by the attempt, and 
by the cruel and unjust war waged by the Emperor upon a 
distant and unoffending people to consummate it ; and 
we shall but respond to the liberal and enlightened feeling 
of the French nation by remonstrating against it, and even 
by a resort to force, if that shall be necessary, to check 
the Emperor in his mad career in Mexico. The historian 
of the Empire assured them, from his place in the French 
Assembly, that we would do this when we had suppressed 
the Southern rebellion ; and the liberals of France will 
rejoice, as we do, that the first Message of the President, 
after that event, makes it certain that they will not be dis- 
appointed. 

I am, gentlemen, very respectfully. 
Your obedient servant, 

MONTGOMERY BLAIR. 



from senator nesmith, of oregon. 
United States Senate Chamber, 

Washington, Dec. 27, 1865. 
Hon. E. Gr. Squier, Chairman, dc. 

Sir : I have received the communication of your com^ 



60 



mittee of the 20th instant, inclosing a call for a meeting 
at the Cooper Institute, New York, on the 6th proximo, 
having in view the public expression of sentiments upon 
the subject of "Foreign interference in the domestic 
affairs of this continent." In reply thereto, I regret to 
say that public duties in this city will prevent my com- 
pliance with the invitation with which you have honored 
me to be personally present. 

I have much gratification, however, in saying to you 
that the purport of your meeting has my earnest sympa- 
thy and support. I can see no objection to the public 
agitation of a subject that has become, by recent events, 
so deeply interesting to the people and government of our 
country ; and, on the contrary, I believe in the abundant 
cause and the appropriate occasion for announcing our 
opposition to any assaults upon, or interference with, the 
integrity of public institutions on this side of the Atlantic. 

I have always been impressed with the correctness and 
propriety of the political theory enunciated in the annual 
Message of the President of the United States on the 2d 
of December, 1823, in allusion to this subject ; and I am 
convinced that what was then uttered by President Mon- 
roe as pregnant with consequences, near and remote, to 
affect the interests of our country, has increased force m 
its application now. The eventful history of our country 
for the past four years should certainly give claim to a re- 
cognition from the nations of the earth of ability to pre- 
serve our institutions ; and the success and prosperity in 
every civilized attribute of great nationality that has 
marked our onward course since the foundation of our 
government, surely entitles us to national pride and the 
right of rank in the class of great nations. After the 
overthrow of Bonaparte, the four great monarchies of 
Europe (and I believe, in the early stages, England, too, 
favored the alliance) formed what was known as the " Holy 
Alliance,'' whose object was to extend their principles, and 
oppress and put down popular institutions. Have we any 
less claim as a great nation, and interested in the promul- 
gation of our theory of Government, to strengthen, aid, 
and support our sister republics near us ? Does not our 
own interest, perhaps safety, demand positive hostility to 
any attemi)t to break down free government near us ? 

I regard the attacks of Spain upon the South American 



61 

States as futile and unimportant. From the time of that 
nation's first attempt to reclaim her American possessions 
to the present, every effort in that direction has been a 
failure. The hostility of Spain alone to either Peru or 
Chili can, in my judgment, never he very formidable. 

It is the other nation mentioned in your communication 
whose present condition invites my warmest sympathies, 
and excites my indignation at what I have always regard- 
ed as an outrage upon her people, and a covert attack 
upon our government.' No reasonable claim ever existed 
to warrant the seizure of the Mexican Kepublic by the 
Emperor of the French. No just cause for war demanded 
the invasion of her soil. None of the rights of property 
gave the semblance of a title to the possession of that 
country. Mexico, disturbed by internal dissensions, and 
weak, was seized upon through the promptings of avarice 
and by the strong arm of power ; and a ruler and a form 
of government repugnant to the very large proportion of 
her inhabitants was forced upon the country. An empire 
was created by force of arms with a people eminently 
republican in their notions of government. An emperor 
was placed over them who was, in every sense, a foreigner, 
without the most remote claim, by either association, lan- 
guage, or consanguinity, to be their monarch. 

While the energies of our own government were directed 
to the suppression of the most gigantic rebellion the 
world ever saw, the Emperor of the French stole into 
Mexico, in a clandestine manner, and usurped the govern- 
ment. He selected the only period of time when he would 
have dared to perpetrate an outrage from which resulted 
great aid and assistance to those intent upon the destruc- 
tion of Republican government in our own country, and 
practically became their alJy. We have, happily, subdued 
the rebels at home; and the troops who consummated that 
result should not have been disbanded until the co-laborer 
in that rebellien and his mercenaries were driven from the 
soil of our sister Republic. 

In conclusion, I have to state that I am earnestly in favor 
of our government reasserting the Monroe Doctrine, and, 
if need be, vindicating it at the mouth of the cannon. 
I am very, respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. W. NESMITH, of Oregon. 



62 



FBOM HON. JOHN CONNESS, UNITED STATES SENATOR 
FROM CALIFORNIA. 

Senate Chamber, Washington, Dec. .12, 1865. 

Dear Sir : Your note inviting me to attend a meeting 
to be held in New York, for the purpose of giving expres- 
sion to American opinion on the subject of the " Monroe 
Doctrine," is just received. 

It will not be in my power to be present on the occa- 
sion ; but I can assure you fully of my concurrence in the 
movement. 

No more opportune time could be selected for a protest 
of the American people against the interference of Euro- 
pean monarchists with republican institutions on this con- 
tinent than the present. 

The constant menace of the baser tyrannies of the old 
world during the recent rebellion will remain fresh in the 
memories of our people for many a day. The advantage 
taken by the Emperor of France of our direst troubles 
and needs in the invasion of Mexico, and the attempts of 
that usurper and traitor to liberty to establish an empire 
there by force of arms, has no parallel in history. Under- 
taken by him upon the double pretence of a defence of 
French interests, and in behalf of " order," he has become 
the author of wrong and disorder, which must continue 
until he shall withdraw his hirelings and pretenders to the 
place whence they came, 

Spain, following the bad example, has assaulted the 
Kepublic of Peru, and exacted terms which the people of 
that noble country have contemptuously rejected. Upon 
the most shallow and baseless excuses and allegations, 
Spain has followed up her attack upon Peru by an as- 
sault upon the independence of Chili, which republic was 
menaced by war, or presented the alternative of degrada- 
tion. To the everlasting credit of that gallant, free, and 
peaceful people, the guage of war has been accepted, and 
now it is for a just world, but particularly for the Amer- 
ican people, to decide whether these constant interferences 
and assaults on republican institutions and the public 
peace shall continue. For one, I am in favor of plain lan- 
guage to European Powers. We are for peace and good 
will on earth. We do not claim the right of forcible pro- 
pagation of our political yjrinciples ; but we believe in 
them and in the advantage to mankind of their extension. 



63 



You shall not suppress them by force. You have not 
been appointed by the world as masters, neither as pacifi- 
cators according to your practice. We speak in our own 
behalf, and in behalf of the independence of nations and 
peoples. 

Let this be our diplomacy, not diluted until dissolved, 
and my opinion is that we will soon enter upon an era in 
which the practice of each nation of the world will be to 
mind their own business. 

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, 

JOHN CONFESS. 
To Hon. E. G. Squier, Chairman, &c. 



FROM HON. ROBERT DALE OWEN, OF INDIANA. 

New York, Jan. 1, 1866. 

Gentlemen : Your kind invitation finds my time so 
engrossed that I am unable to prepare anything worth 
giving to the public at your meeting next Saturday. 

I take a deep interest, however, in the subject. It is 
not now a theory of which we may safely put ofi" the solu- 
tion for years. It knocks at the door. It involves the 
fate of our nearest neighbor. 

I do not regard the twenty- year-long dissensions of Mex- 
ico as the mere result of individual ambitions, or as the 
national brawls of a people incapable of self-government. 
I see in these the great struggle through which all nations 
must pass — the contest between privilege and oppression 
on the one hand, and liberal principles and institutions 
on the other. They had their incubus as well as we. 
Ours was slavery ; theirs the overshadowing temporal 
power of a church which held in fee one-fourth — some 
estimate, one-third — of all lands and houses in the Re- 
public. 

Like us, they brought their contest of long years to a 
successful termination. Like us, they might look forward, 
as the reward of victory, to a prosperous and peaceful 
future. 

Their hopes were blasted by foreign interference. The 
excuse was that they must bo governed by others 
since they could not govern themselves. But despotism is 
not the remedy for internal commotions ; lea^t of all, des- 
potism in America under European protection. 



64 

National peace is, of all national blessings, the greatest. 
Therefore, it behoves us to avoid not only the immediate 
but the more remote causes of war. I do not. believe that 
v^e can maintain permanent peace with a European des- 
potism next door to us ; but neither do I think that war 
will ensue, in this case, if resolution, with good temper, 
mark our policy now. 

We must be bold in the present, if we would avoid war 
in the future. The ^' Monroe Doctrine," temperately as- 
serted, is peace. 

I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant, 

KOBEKT DALE OWEN. 
To the Hon. E. Geo. Squier and others. Committee : 



from hon. daniel s, 

Office District- Attorney of the U. S. } 
FOR THE Southern District of New York, j 

New York, Jan. 5, 1866. 

Gentlemen : Your note inviting me to address a meet- 
ing at the Cooper Institute to-morrow evening, called to 
indicate the popular sentiment on the subject of the 
"Monroe Doctrine," has been received, and my thanks 
are returned for the complimentary remembrance. 

There is, perhaps, no question of national policy, either 
foreign or domestic, upon which the American people of 
all sections and parties are so firmly united and so reso- 
lutely determined, as upon that of resistance to the en- 
croachments of monarchy upon this continent. In short, 
so often and so unanimously has this seatiment been as- 
serted and repeated that the world knows it by heart. 

The world knows, too, that it is one of the most cher- 
ished principles of republican institutions ; that it is 
deemed essential to their safety and exemption from the 
conflicts which are wont to spring up and flourish in the 
pestilent atmosphere of monarchy ; and the world should 
know, that it is the last point to be yielded to force or be 
circumvented by fraud. 

Entertaining, as I do to their fullest extent, these con- 
victions, I am aware that the subject is at this time some- 
what interwoven with our foreign relations, always a deli- 



65 

cate subject, and especially so at this time, when we are 
surrounded by jealousies and irritations ; and having full 
confidence in the wisdom and patriotism of the President, 
his Cabinet and .Congress in the premises, I have deemed 
it proper, in view of an official relation with the Federal 
Government, not to mingle in popular demonstrations 
upon the subject at this time, lest such action might be 
misconstrued or misunderstood to the prejudice of others 
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, 

Your obedient servant, 

D. S. DICKINSON. 
Hon. E. Geo. Squier and others. Committee. 



Washington, D. C, Jan. 4, 1866. 

Gentlemen : I have delayed an answer to your invita- 
tion to attend a meeting on the 6th with the hope that 
it would be possible to be present, but I am compelled to 
forego that pleasure. 

Let me say a word. The air is full of strange rumors, 
which are well calculated to alarm every patriotic Ameri- 
can. We must appeal to the people at once, and arouse 
the country to the danger. 

If a monarchy be established in Mexico, we shall be un- 
true to our duty, and will receive the execrations of the 
lovers of Freedom throughout the world. 

The talk that Napoleon will withdraw his troops, if let 
alone, may be true ; but they will be withdrawn when 
the liberties of the Mexican people shall have been tram- 
pled under his feet. 

There is but one way to secure their withdrawal — and 
that is, the open, manly one, of a notice to quit, backed 
by a demonstration on the frontier to enforce it if de- 
clined. 

The great West is ready — it is a unit, and will not be 
silenced. 

Illinois, Missouri, Iowa, Kansas and Colorado will 
drive out the foreign troops, without a man being taken 
from other States. 

5 



66 

All they are waiting for is the word, and they will an- 
swer for the result. 

^Yery respectfully, your obedient servant, 

K. T. VAN HOKN, 

Messrs. E. Geo. Squiek, E. L. Yiele, Charles D. 
Paston, a. H. Duganne, J. A. Wheelock, Committee. 



FROM HON. J. BAKER, OF ILLINOIS. 

Washington, Dec. 21, 1865. 
Hon. B. G. Squier and others, Commmittee : 

Gentlemen : My duties here as a member of Congress 
will preclude my attending the meeting on the 8th of next 
month, to which you invite me. I will add, however, a 
few words on the particular subject which you have in 
hand. 

The present French Emperor has somewhere said, in 
substance, that one of the Napoleonic ideas is, to keep 
step with the movement of one's age ; and that if a man 
fails to do this, by standing still or going backwards, he is 
apt to get run over — a first-rate idea, by the way — but 
the Mexican scheme of the Emperor is a flat violation of 
it. The idea will prove itself true in this as in hundreds 
of other instances ; the scheme will fail. The movement 
of the age is progressive, not retrograde, or even station- 
ary. The tendency is to larger liberty, in fact, in form, 
and among all men, and will not allow the founding of 
a throne, at the point of foreign bayonets, upon the ruins 
of an American Kepublic. The idea of being flanked by 
such a monarchy upon our southwestern border, presided 
over by an offshoot of the House of Hapsburg, is perfectly 
preposterous, and not for a moment to be entertained by 
any friend of liberty in America or Europe. The thing 
is morally, politically, historically impossible, and never 
would have entered the head of Louis Napoleon, had he 
not been entrapped, by his want of sympathy with free- 
dom, into the shallow supposition that this country was 
going to be done for by the rebellion. In my judgment, 
this Republic should stand for liberty on the continent. 



67 

and firmly protest against any farther foreign cotrcion of 
the political system of Mexico. 

YourS; very respectfully, 

J. BAKEK. 



FROM HO^T. CHARLES SITGREAVE3, OF NEW-JERSEY. 

Phillipsburg, N. J., Dec. 27, 1865. 
Hon. E. G. Squier and others, Committee : 

Gentlemen : I regret that previous engagements will 
prevent my attendance at the meeting to be held in the 
great hall of the Cooper Institute, in New York, on the 
evening of Jan. G, for the purpose of giving expression 
to the sentiments of the people on the subject of the- 
Mom'oe Doctrine. 

Although " absent in body, I will be present with you; 
in spirit/^ This Continent must be, in all its length and 
breadth, the home of constitutional freedom and the asy- 
lum of the oppressed of every land, which it never can be- 
with an empire on its borders. 

Our people must never add to the oceans of human 
blood which have been shed and mountains of treasure 
that have been expended to "maintain the balance of 
power," which they must do if " foreign^ and especially 
monarchical, interference is permitted in the domestic and 
international affairs of this continent." You say truly, 
that the time is appropriate for an expression of opinion 
on this subject. It is, indeed, appropriate, not only for 
the reiteration, but for the maintenance and enforcement 
of the " Monroe Doctrine." The stability of the Union, 
the future tranquillity of the nation, the extension of re- 
publican principles and the rights of man, alike demand 
it. Now is the proper time. The opportunity now lost 
can never be regained, without destroying the peace of the 
world. An earnest declaration by Congress and the Presi- 
dent now, I think, would be sufficient ; but if not, then a 
million of brave men, disciplined in the march, the camp,, 
and the battles of a four years' sanguinary war, will, un- 
der God, settle the question of despots for ever. 
Verv truly yours, 

CHAS. SITGREAVES. 



68 



from. ma j.- gen. j. a. garfield, m. c, from ohio. 

House of Eepresentatives, \ 
Washington City, Dec. 26, 1865. j 

Hon. E. Geo. Squier : 

Dear Sir : Yours, inviting me to address a meeting at 
the Cooper Institute, on the application of the Monroe 
Doctrine to our relations with Mexico, Peru and Chili, is 
received. I regret that my duties here will not allow me 
to accept your invitation. I should be glad to cooperate 
with you in an effort to inform the citizens of my country 
by what means and for what ends the monarchies of Eu- 
rope have been, and are still, endeavoring to trample out 
republican liberty in the Kew World. I trust you will 
call the attention of the assembly, that will meet on Sat- 
urday evening, to the fact that Maximilian, the French 
agent in Mexico, by a decree of Sept. 5, 1865, re-estab- 
lished slavery, with a view to encouraging emigration from 
our rebel States ; thus affording another proof that the 
French usurpation in Mexico was in reality a part of the 
rebellion, for the purpose of extending and perpetuating 
the institution of slavery. 

I believe that a firm and decided course on our part 
will, without war, secure the removal of the French usur- 
pation. That the usurpation will cease, and the preten- 
sions of Maximilian and Napoleon in Mexico will be re- 
linquished, I have no doubt. 

I am, dear sir, very respectfully yours. 

J. A. GAEFIELD. 



FROM HON. B. F. WADE, U. S. SENATOR FROM OHIO. 

Washington, Wednesday, Dec. 27, 1865. 
Hon. E. .Gr. Squier : 

Sir : I have just received your note inviting me to at- 
tend a meeting to be held iu the City of New Yorb* on 
Saturday ev<3ning next, " for the purpose of giving ex- 
pression to the sentiments of the people of New York, on 
the subject of foreign, and especially monarchical, interfe- 
rence in the domestic and international affairs of this con- 
tinent.'' I regret that I shall not be able to be present at 



69 

your meeting, but you may be assured that I am heartily 
in sympathy with the declared object thereof, and intend 
to make my sentiments known in Congress at an early 
period of the present session. 

I have the honor to be yours, &c., 

B. F. WADE. 



from maj.-gen. sickles. 

Charleston, S. C. 
[Extract.] 

I regret that my duties here, and the reserve imposed 
upon me by the regulations of the military service, prevent 
my participation in a public demonstration, having for 
its noble object the expression of the sympathy of the peo- 
ple of this country with Chili in her struggle witb Spain, 
and of the unfaltering adhesion of the United States to 
the Monroe Doctrine. But my co-operation will not be 
missed, for our people are unanimous and immovable in 
their sentiments of attachment for our republican sisters 
of the American Continent : and although we are weary 
of war, European powers will not be wise in assuming that 
we lack either the means or the inclination to repel ag- 
gression. 

DANIEL E. SICKLES. 



from hon. johx a. kasson, of iowa. 

House of Kepresentatives, 
Washington, Dec. 21, 1865. 
Hon. E. G. Squier and others, Comraittee : 

Gentlemen : Your note of the 20th instant, announc- 
ing a meeting at the Cooper Institute on the 6th proximo, 
to ^ive expression to the public sentiment on the question 
of European interference with American Kepublican insti- 
tutions, and requesting my attendance, is received. 

It will afford me sincere gratification to be present if it 
shall be possible. The occasion has come for the Great 
Eepublic to acknowledge its assertion of the " Monroe 



70 

Doctrine" to have been an empty plirase, or a preojnant 
principle of Kepublican, national and continental safety, 
to be enforced with the whole combined power of the- Amer- 
ican Kepublics if required. 

Let our counsels be prudent, as our preparation should 
be complete. Let the reaction from Europe, treacherous- 
ly begun in the hour of our distress, itself have reasonable 
time to react in view of the increased solidity of the 
United States at the close of our war. 

Then, if justice, honor and respect for American prin- 
ciples do not retract the interference already initiated by 
Europe, let the blows fall, in the name of God and Lib- 
erty, until the interfering tlags shall have been swept from 
the two oceans that embrace our continent. 

I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant, 

JOHN A. KASSON. 



FROM HON. SCHUYLER COLFAX, SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE 
OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

Washington, D. C, Dec. 21, 1865. 
Gentlemen : It will be impossible for me to be present 
at your meeting in New York on the 6th of January ; 
but, while trusting that our country may not become in- 
volved in hostilities with any foreign nation, if they can 
be honorably averted, I have no hesitation in expressing 
my warmest sympathies with the struggling and uncon- 
quered Liberals of Mexico, and my faith that both Presi- 
dent and Congress will so act and speak, that the whole 
world will understand and appreciate the deep interest we 
feel in the permanency, the tranquilization, and the con- 
sequent prosperity of our neighboring Republic. 
Yours truly, 

SCHUYLER COLFAX. 



FROM HON. HAMILTON WARD, OF NEW YORK. 

Washington, D. C, Dec. 21, 1865. 
To Hon, E, Geo. Squier and others, Committee : 

Gentlemen : I am in receipt of yours of the 20th, in- 
viting me to attend a meeting at Cooper Institute, New 



71 

York City, on the evening of Jan. 6, in vindication of the 
" Monroe Doctrine." 

Circumstances will not permit my attending, as it 
would give me great pleasure to do. I hope there will 
be a grand outpouring of the people on that occasion. 
Give the " Nephew of his Uncle'' to understand that as 
the great Napoleon at last found his Waterloo, he too 
may find his in the Halls of the Montezumas. 

The French ruler took advantage of our supposed weak- 
ness, and planted upon this continent, over our unwilling 
people, a monarchy, in bold defiance of our well-known 
and cherished national policy and traditions. However 
much we might desire peace with our old friend across 
the water, this act of France places us in the position 
either to fight it out, if needs be, and vindicate our pol- 
icy, or tamely submit to a great national insult and wrong. 
The people are of but one opinion, that the national honor 
must be maintained. Let them speak out. 
, Eespectfully yours, 

HAMILTON WARD. 



FROM HON. R. W. CLARKE. 

Washington City, Dec. 21, 1865. 
Hon. E. G-EO. Squier, Qhai7'man, dc, : 
Sir : I have received your notice of a call for a meet- 
ing to be held Jan. 6, 1866, at the great hall of the 
Cooper Institute, New York, "/or the vindication of the 
Monroe Doctrine'' My arrangements will not permit of 
my attending your meeting; but be assured that if called 
upon to act ofiicially upon that question, I shall be with 
you most heartily. 

Respectfully, 

R. W. CLARKE. 



FROM HON. HORACE MAYNARD, OF TENNESSEE 

Washington, Dec. 21, 1865. 
Gentlemen : Your invitation to be present at a. meet- 
ing in the Cooper Institute, on the 6th of January next, 
finds me on the eve of returning to Tennessee. The ob- 



72 

ject of the meeting, to give exj)ression to the general, nay, 
universal, public sentiment, popularly known as the ''Mon- 
roe Doctrine," meets my unqualified approval. Let the 
sentiment find expression on every convenient occasion, 
and through every practicable medium. 

It has been assailed on both continents of the Western 
hemisphere, and it is high time it were authoritatively as- 
serted. 

Very respectfully, 

HOBACE MAYNAED. 

Hon. E. Gr. Squier, Chairman. 



EROM HON. SAMUEL J. RANDALL, OF PENNSYLVANIA. 

Philadelphia, Jan. 1, 1866. 

Messrs. Squier, Viele, Posto7i, Duganne and Wheelock, 
Committee, etc. : 

Gentlemen: Your invitation to be present and ad- 
dress a public meeting in ITew York City, on the 6th of 
January next, called for the purpose of vindicating the 
Monroe Doctrine, has been received. 

I regret that my official duties will prevent its accept- 
ance. 

I have always supported the doctrine you wish to main- 
tain, and have so voted in Congress. I am prepared to 
use all constitutional means to carry it into practical force 
and effect, and assume any responsibility which may arise 
therefrom. 

I am, gentlemen, your obt. servant, 

SAMUEL J. EANDALL.. 



FROM. HON. JAMES H. LANE, U. S. SENATOR FROM KANSAS. 

Washington, Wednesday, Dec. 25, 1865. 

Gentlemen : Your valued favor was duly received ; 
and in answer, I regret to say previous engagements will 
prevent me from attending. This I much regret, as I am 
on the record as an advocate of a firm and decided policy 



73 

in regard to resisting the great conspiracy of imperialism 
to overthrow our republican form of government on this 
continent. And it would give me more than usual pleas- 
ure, in such a presence as that of a New York audience, 
to denounce the foreign despots who dared first to seduce 
part of our people from the path of duty, and then, in 
the midst of our national troubles, to plant their iron heel 
on the neck of our feeble and distressed sister Eepublic, 
Mexico. You may rely on me in every contingency in 
the future for peace or war. 

Eespectfully, 

J. H. LANE. 



LETTER FROM MAJ.-GEN. MUSSEY. 

Washington, "D. C, Jan. 5, 1866. 
Hon. E. Geo. Sqtjier &c.. New York. 

My Dear Sir : I am very reluctantly compelled at 
this last moment to decline your invitation to attend the 
meeting at Cooper Institute to-morrow. 

I regret this the more as I am thoroughly in sympathy 
with what I understand to be the object of the meeting, a 
public declaration, to wit: of the American belief that 
the New World is for Kepublics, and that it is the duty 
of the United States to enunciate and maintain this 
belief. 

Since the triumphant success of the United States in 
the late rebellion, republicanism is no longer an open 
question. 

The Eevolutionary War showed that a Eepublic could 
assert itself against a Monarchy and acquire indepen- 
dence ; the war of 1812 showed that it could maintain 
that independence as against outsiders ; the late war has 
shown that it can maintain it as against the turbulence 
and sedition of the malcontents of its own citizens, aided 
by the moral and material sympathy of allied France and 
England. And to every thinker the demonstration is 
overwhelming that a " People's Grovernmenf' is the most 
beneficent in Peace, the most powerful in War, and the 
most secure against Treason. 

This success has brought its duty with it for us to per- 



74 

form, and it is a duty which we cannot honorably neglect 
or evade. 

We must assert the truth we have proved, must defend 
it when assailed, and encourage it when of feeble growth. 

" This should be our Foreign policy." Anything else 
misrepresents us and dishonors us. If necessary, we 
should maintain this belief with arms. But I do not 
think any nation is foolish 6nough to court war with us, 
and our request will, in nearly every case be tantamount 
to a command, and when we do command we shall be 
obeyed. 

For no monarchy can afford to go to war with a Ke- 
public, demanding the recognition of republic principles 
— since our national success has weakened every throne 
and strengthened every democratic yearning of the masses, 
upon w^hom thrones are built. And though kings and 
parliaments may order war, it is the people who carry the 
muskets and pay the taxes, and the people of no monar- 
chy that could engage in war with us would submit to 
the burdens of a war against their and our cause. 

If we are true to ourselves we shall have no wars upon 
this account. The moral sympathy of the Government 
and the material aid of our citizens, united, will give to 
us peace, and to republicanism all the support it needs. 

Believe me very truly your friend, 

K. D. MUSSEY, 

Major-G-eneral. 

Mr. Squire then read the following resolutions : 

RESOLUTIONS. 

Whereas, It was early declared, with a solemnity be- 
coming the enunciation of a great principle, by a President 
of the United States, whose title to immortality and the 
gratitude of mankind was secured by its annunciation, 
that the American Continents, by the free and indepen- 
dent positions which they had assumed and maintained, 
were thenceforward not to be considered as subjects for 
future colonization by any European Power, and that any 
attempt by European Powers to " extend their system to 
any portion of this hemisphere would be considered as 
dangerous to our peace and safety ; and Whereas, it 



75 

was equally declared that any interposition by any Euro- 
pean Power^ for the purpose of oppressing the Kepublics 
of America, whose independence the United States had, 
with great consideration and just principles, acknowleged, 
or for the purpose of, in any way, controling their des- 
tinies, would be viewed as the manifestations of an un- 
friendly disposition toward the United States ; and 
Whereas, in open contempt of the principles thus early 
laid down, France has interfered to oppress our sister Ee- 
public of Mexico and to control its destiny against the 
choice of its people; and Whereas, Spain has interfered 
to extend her system over Hayti, and is now interfering to 
oppress the Kepublics of Chili and Peru; therefore, 

Besolved, That the United States is bound, by her tra- 
ditions, by every consideration of honor and dignity, by 
her plighted faith to the Eepublics of America, for the 
sake of her safety, peace, prosperity and renown, to vin- 
dicate the great principles enunciated by Munroe, in all 
parts of this continent, and to establish, if necessary, by 
force of arms, that America belongs to Americans, and is 
consecrated to republican institutions. 

Besolved, Thai: by the promulgation of the " Monroe 
Doctrine,'' and its constant indorsement, we have as- 
sumed a responsibility towards our sister republics, and an 
obligation to defend and protect them which it would be 
cowardly and dishonorable to neglect or repudiate. 

Resolved, That we deplore with heartfelt sorrow the 
sudden death of that accomplished statesman and noble 
and eloquent champion of republican freedom and human 
progress, Hon. Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland, who had 
engaged to speak to us to-night; and we here reassert the 
language and sentiments of the resolution carried by him 
unanimously through the House of Kepresentatives, in 
the Winter of 1864: '' The United States are unwilling 
by their silence to leave the nations of the world under the 
impression that they are indifferent spectators of the de- 
plorable events now transpiring in the republic of Mexico, 
and that they therefore think fit to declare that it does 
not accord with the policy of the United States to acknow- 
ledge any monarchical government erected on the ruins 
of any republican government in America under the 
auspices of any European Power." 



76 



EEMAEKS OF MR. TOMLINSON. 

Mr. Tomlinson, after alluding briefly to the death of 
Mr. Davis, traced the progress of Eepnblicanism from the 
West to the East, and showed in terms of bitterness the 
conduct of Europe and the continent toward the United 
States during her recent struggle. I regret, said he, that 
the grave has taken one who could enlighten you on these 
matters, but I am glad that the first meeting in the ad- 
vancement of this great cause is held in this metropolis. 
History shows us that on all great questions great men 
are timid. Cabinet ministers and high officials wait till 
the common people speak, and then are ever glad to ride 
theni. It's the picket who first meets the shock of battle, 
and it may be a proud hour for you, that you are here in 
the first of this movement when few distinguished men 
are present to address you. I want to say a few words 
on international law. There is no such thing as inter- 
national law, because there is no arbiter of law. The 
conscience of the people is the arbiter. Who was it that 
expressed the international law when the Collossus of the 
East, Eussia, stretched its hand to take the sick man 
Turkey from his bed ? The express messengers were 
Campbell and Pellissier, and our express messengers to 
Maximilian will be McClellan, Grant and Sherman. [Ap- 
plause.] ISTow we hear that our Secretary of State has 
gone on a voyage to the South, and probably will say to 
Maximilian, the thousand things that would not look 
well on paper, for diplomacy, you know, is not always that 
which can be put on record. It won't do for us to per- 
mit the planting of any monarchy on our shores. There 
are morarchists enough among us now who despise our 
institutions, and would gladly hail any attempt to insti- 
tute such a government here. In regard to the Fenian 
question, I will not discuss its propriety or impulses : 
the latter are right. But if I could say anything to 
Great Britain, I should say, beware, beware. If you en- 
courage France to establish a monarchy in Mexico, the 
green flag of Ireland shall float above the Irish shore. 
[Applause. A voice — " Oh, nonsinse."] 

Mr. Squier then read the following resolutions : 
Besolved, That the Kepublic of Chili, by her dig- 
nity, firmness, and courage, as well as by her moderation 
and the justice of her cause, in her contest with Spain, 



77 

provoked by an attack as groundless as mercenary, deserves 
the respect and sympathy of all free countries, and es- 
pecially of the United States, with which she is identi- 
fied by community of institutions and by every considera- 
tion of interest, and whose gratitude she merits as a warm 
and devoted friend of the American Union in the hour of 
its greatest peril. 

Resolved, That we admire the spirit and enterprise of 
the little navy of Chili, and rejoice in the brilliant success 
which has crowned its endeavors in its contest with the 
arrogant flotilla of Spain. 

Resolved, That the glorious example of Santo Domingo 
and the final triumph of the heroism and patience of her 
sons, should sustain and encourage the American repub- 
lics in their struggles again t foreign aggression. 

REMARKS OF B. VICUNA MACKENNA. 

Citizens of the United States. — I offer you my 
sincere thanks for the manner in which you have received 
the resolutions which have been presented to you in favor 
of my country. Your kind sympathies, your enthusiastic 
applause, show that you have comprehended the true po- 
sition of Chili in her quarrel with Spain. I entertain the 
hope, therefore, that you will adopt those resolutions, as 
an act of justice due to a country who knows how to 
fight for her honor and her liberty. (Applause.) 

But permit me to address you, not as a man occupying 
a public position, of any nature whatever, but as one of 
the many members of the great community of those who 
love liberty, republicanism, and democracy. 

And in that character, it is right that I should tell you 
that there, in that far away but noble land, in which I 
was born, your country is admired and loved, as you ad- 
mire and love it; that there we learn in our mothers' laps 
to repeat, with profound reverence, the name of the father 
of your institutions, the name of George Washington — 
(applause) ; that there, also, the young mothers of to-day 
teach their children in the cradle to pronounce and bless 
the. name of the greatest redeemer that ages have seen 
since our Saviour — the name of Abraham Lincoln, of sa- 
cred and glorious memory. (Prolonged applause.) 



78 

But at the same time, let me also tell you, that beyond 
your southern frontiers there exists another America, sis- 
ter to yours, unknown and forgotten by you, but which, if 
not so happy or so powerful as your country, is as worthy 
of your esteem and respect as any civilized nation of the 
globe whatever. 

You well know, gentlemen, that calumny, ignorance, 
and, more than all, the secret intrigues of European Courts, 
and of their emissaries, have combined to misrepresent the 
existence of democracy in South America, and to nourish 
in her bosom the desolating struggle which is harassing 
her republics, without exhausting or exposing them to 
death. 

Besides, it is necessary that each race should suffer for 
its original sins, and work out its own salvation. You 
had in the robust heart of your country the seed of Africa, 
and when you considered yourselves most secure in the 
support of your institutions, of jouv peace, and your pro- 
gress, there broke loose upon you such a gigantic rebellion 
as the world had never seen. 

Another such has happened to ns. We had in our 
bosom the seed of Spain — the country of Europe which 
is nearest to Africa (applause and laughter) — and there- 
fore we have struggled for half a century to exterminate 
the roots of ignorance, of fanaticism, and of pride, and to 
build upon their ruins the foundation of a republic. You 
have never done us that justice of comparison according 
to history and truth. You were taught by your own nature, 
by your customs, and by the spirit of liberty and of consci- 
enciousness which your forefathers brought to the Kock of 
Plymouth, and therefore have been able to establish and 
extend your powerful republic, your invading and irresist- 
ible democracy. But who were our teachers in the diffi- 
cult science of self-government ? They were, gentlemen, 
those haughty conquerors who only lived to cut one 
another's throats, whose only delight was in the tumult of 
battle, and who, instead of giving to all who were born, 
or to all who came among them, the plough of William 
Penn, put in their hands the fratricidal sword of the 
Pizarros and of Hernan Cortes. 

But, notwithstanding that recent and bloody struggle 
of the republics of the South, what does it prove, except , 
their powerful and inextinguishable vitality ? 



79 

Behold, gentlemen, that which has just taken place, and 
you will be convinced. 

There existed in the midst of the Atlantic an island 
almost obscure and forgotten, which ancient feuds had ex- 
hausted. Spain, always blind and always greedy, be- 
lieved it dead, and suddenly and traitorously surrounded 
it with a double circle of bayonets and cannon. And 
what followed ? The obscure islanders rose like heroes, 
ancient feuds were forgotten, and the hateful flag of 
Spain, after having been dragged in the mire, was driven 
from the country by a handful of brave men, before the 
surprised world. (Applause.) 

It was afterwards thought necessary to organise a triple 
alliance for the invasion of Mexico, in spite of the internal 
feuds which had exhausted it. But the canon of the 5th 
of May was enough to dissolve this plot ; and to-daj^, after 
years of triumphs and defeats, and when the usurper 
boasted of having pacified the land which rejected him by 
blood and fire, the noise of the cannon is still heard upon 
the banks of the Kio Grande, as an echo of those which 
resounded in the Wilderness and at Atlanta. 

And farther away, in Peru, where one single apostate 
sold his country for a little guano and a little gold, you will 
find a people rising against the traitor and the shame — - 
driving out the former with ignominy, and showing them- 
selves ready again to combat for honor and right. 

And with respect to Chili. . . . But permit me to refrain 
from speaking of my country, and let me only point out to 
you, upon that flag suspended over our heads, that sol- 
itary star, which shines out so brilliantly from the blue 
which surrounds it. That star, gentlemen, is the emblem 
of Chili ; that flag is the flag of my country — the same 
flag which, not long ago, floating in the breeze of 
victory, upon the mast of a small boat, was carried 
by brave hands within sight of the powerful squadron of 
the invaders, and there, almost within reach of their can- 
nons, made the proud Castilians , lower the standard of 
Isabel II. (Wild applause, the greater part of the au- 
dience rising to their feet, waving their hats and handker- 
chiefs for several minutes, shouting vivas and hurrahs for 
Chili.) 

And still, gentlemen, remember that we won our inde- 
pendence by our own efforts, without the aid. of any one. 
(Applause.) Eemember that all Europe opposed our 



80 

emancipation, and we won it notwithstanding. Kemem- 
ber that you yourselves had, by the side of your stand- 
ard on the field of battle, the colors of France 
and Spain, while we had only our own national ensign, 
and all others were enemies. (Applause,) Kemember, 
also, that al@ne we have maintained that independence for 
forty years; and, while Spain during the present century, 
has appealed three times to a stranger to sustain her own 
institutions — to Wellington, in 1808 ; to Angouleme, in 
1823; to Sir De Lacy Evans and the English legion, in 
1834 — we have maintained the respect of our enemies, 
without submitting ourselves to the humiliation of seekers 
of foreign intervention. 

And do you know why we have succeeded in all this ? 
Because we also, gentlemen, have a Monroe Doctrine 
of our own. But it is not such a Monroe Doctrine 
as you have been proud of for forty years ; to be sustain- 
ed beneath the illuminated vault of this brilliant hall; 
to be talked of by great orators, or by the voice of the 
daily Press — but a practical doctrine, real, to be sup- 
ported by acts, by treaties, by alliances, and which, un- 
like you, we have always defended with our blood and 
our swords. (Applause.) 

And Chili, gentlemen, my country, I am proud to 
say is the republic of the South which has put itself 
at the head of this grand and generous movement of bro- 
therhood in glory and sacrifice. It was Chili who sent 
aboard of one of her men-of-war a diplomatic agent to the 
shores of Central America, to arrest the filibuster Walker. 
It was Chili who defeated the expedition of Cristina and 
Flores against Ecuador, in 1846; and who, years after- 
wards, tore down the altar and the mask of the French 
Protectorate in that unfortunate country. It was Chili 
who sent her gold to Mexico, and her blood to Peru. It 
was Chili, I do not hesitate to say, with all the frankness 
of which I am capable, who put herself in opposition to 
the plans of an administration of this republic, which 
perhaps you have forgotten, but not forgiven yet, and 
which purposed to establish a spurious American protec- 
torate over Ecuador, on condition of the cession of the 
Galapagos Islands for the sum of $3,000,000. 

And Chili was perfectly right, because, in the opinion 
of the people of South America, the Monroe Doctrine does 



81 

not mean conquest without riojht, invasion without jus- 
tice; does not mean aught but respect for national- 
ities which God has created, or their institutions, with- 
out any consideration whatever for those who intend to 
attack them, or for those who intend to protect them. 

Yes, gentlemen, the Monroe Doctrine, as we understand 
it, is a vital and absolute principle, not a passing in- 
terest of policy. It is not a question of geography, in- 
volved in that popular quotation, America for Americans. 
It is not a question of frontiers and territories, by which 
this or that State may extend itself at the expense of 
another. It is, on the contrary, the foundation of inter- 
national right in America ; and in that I differ entirely 
with the eloquent orator who has preceded me, because 
Republican and Democratic America has a theory of her 
own about existence and extension, just as the monarchies 
of Europe have their doctrines of equilibrium and of dig- 
nities, and the foundation of that theory is the Monroe 
Doctrine. 

This principle is not, then, simply our own, but that 
which its glorious founder, James Monroe, meant it to 
be; and that which his noble sustainer of to-day, Andrew 
Johnson, has clearly implied he means it to be ; that is to 
say, that the monarchical Grovernments of Europe will not 
be permitted to interfere with republican institutions in 
the New World. 

Gentlemen, that Power which created the strip of land 
which unites the two continents of America in one single 
world, one day inspired a great man of the North with 
this theory of general salvation. That day the key of the 
golden problem of democracy was discovered, the mon- 
archs of Europe trembled upon their falling thrones^ the 
freemen of the New world showed the slaves of the Old 
where the sacred ark ought to rest after the flood, and 
over the sky of a new cycle, and beyond the clouds, the 
hands of Washington and Bolivar clasped over the strug- 
gle of general emtincipation, united the two worlds in one, 
to form a kingdom of eternal glory and eternal liberty. 

Let that doctrine of redemption, gentlemen, be sustain 
ed, let it be propagated, let it be vindicated. Let your men 
of the government, or your men of war on the field of bat- 
tle, carry out this work of redemption. Let the voice of Rome 
be heard once more from the dome of your high Capitol, and 

6 



82 

thus, like the household word of Abraham Lincoln, which 
WD.S— Justice and liberty for the oppressed, may the house- 
hold word of Andrew Johnson be — Justice and liberty for 
the aggressed. 

Senor Mackenna concluded his address amid a perfect 
storm of applause. 

Mr. Squier then read the following resolution: 
Resolved, That in Andrew Johnson, President of the 
United States, we recognise a statesman and patriot, a 
noble illustration of the fostering influence of republican 
institutions, a man of the people, deeply sympathizing 
with oppressed humanity at home and abroad, and who 
will, with firmness, prudence, and dignity, and in case of 
ultimate resort with all of his energies as a man and as 
President, dedicate himself to the vindication of those 
great national principles enunciated by our fathers as es- 
sential to our peace and safety, and among which the 
"Monroe Doctrine" is one of the most vital, and at this 
moment of first and practical importance. 

SPEECH OF S. S. cox. 

Mr. S. S. Cox was then introduced, and spoke long and 
tenderly of Mr. Winter Davis, with whom he served in 
the last Conojress. The Monroe Doctrine has never yet 
been backed by the force of this great republic ; sooner or 
later the force of this people will be evoked in the enun- 
ciation of the doctrine. We should not forget that the 
people of all these little republics are waiting anxiously 
for our movement. I trust the first thing to be done, after 
Mr. Seward is convinced he cannot write Maximilian out 
of Mexico, will be the convocation of another Congress of 
Kepublics at Panama, including the Eepublic of Cuba, 
and that there the great nations of Europe may receive a 
lesson. Our unfortunate troubles came North and South, 
and Europe crept in, sneaked in by a triple alliance, 
and backed up this Archduke of the hated house of Haps- 
burg, tyrants of a hundred years. This thing will all be 
settled in time. I know that if we had taken decided 
steps in time, this trouble would have been settled ere 
this. Had we taken the advice of Ministers McLano and 
Corwin, the troubles would not have happened. Now, 
thank God, our own troubles are ended. Thirty millions 
pf people reunited, as I trust and believe we are united, 



83 

can do a great deal. We can put an army of a million of 
men into the field, and know how to use them when there. 
(Applause.) But I rose simply to say a few words about 
my friend and co-laborer, Davis, who cannot, as he hoped, 
be with you here to-night; and heartily sharing with you 
the appreciation of his noble nature, I thank you for your 
kind and patient attention, and retire. 

The meeting was then adjourned, subject to the call of 
he Chair 



BANQUET 

GIVEN TO THE 

REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PRESS OF NEW YORK, 

AND TO THE 

Members of tlie Diplomatic Corps of South America 

RESIDENT IN THIS CITY. 



On Wednesday the sixth of December, there took 
place in the splendid "Salon Bleu'' of " Delmonico's '' 
restaurant, the sumptuous banquet with which the confi- 
dential agent of Chile in the United States, Don Benja- 
min Vicuna Mackenna, entertained the most notable 
journalists of New York and the members of the Diploma- 
tic Corps of South America resident there. 

The saloon in which the banquet took place was ele- 
gantly adorned with the flags of Chili, the United States 
and Perii. 

The seat of honor at the table was occupied by Senor 
Vicuna Mackenna. At his right sat Senor Bruzual, the 
Minister of Venezuela in the United States, and at his 
left the Minister of the Argentine Republic, Don Domingo 
F. Sarmiento. At the opposite end sat George Squier, 
Esq., ex-Minister of the United States to Central America, 
and on either side of him the Senores Navarro, Consul 
General of Mexico, and Fleury, Secretary of the Brazilian 
Legation. There assisted besides at the Banquet, as 
representatives of the various States of the South Ameri- 
can Republics, the greater part of those who are accredited 
to the United States, and who reside accidentally or per- 
manently in New York. 

Among them were noted as representatives of Mexico, the 
Senores Navarro, General Sanchez Ochoa, and Senor Baz, 



85 . 

ex-Governor of Mexico. As representatives of Cuba, 
Senor Santacilia, the celebrated poet and Cuban states- 
man, son-in-law of President Juarez, and Senor Don Juan 
Manuel Macias. Santo Domingo was represented by Sr. 
Dr. Bazora, Charge d' Affaires of that Kepublic in the U. 
States ; Venezuela by her Minister to Washington, Senor 
Bruzual, and by the Consul-General of the same Eepub- 
lic, Don Simon Camacho, nephew of the liberator Boli- 
var ; Brazil by the Secretary of the Brazilian Legation at 
Washington, Senor Fleury ; Peru by the confidential 
agent of that Eepublic, Sr. Don Mariano Alvarez ; the 
Argentine Republic, by Senor Sarmiento ; and lastly 
Chili, by the Senores Vicuna Mackenna, Aldunate, and 
her Consul in New York, Dr. Rodgers. 

Among the most notable Journalists of New York, 
we will notice Mr. Wilkes, the editor of various journals 
published in this city, and a gentleman of distinguished 
ability and social position ; Buckingham Smith, Esq., 
Frank Leslie, Esq., and Mr. Starr, Editor of that part of 
the Herald devoted to South American affairs. 

There were present, also, amonoj other distinguished 
citizens of the tjnited States, the Hon. E. George Squier, 
late Minister of the United States to Central America, 
Dr. Mackay, Sub-Secretary in the Cabinet at Washington, 
charged with the diplomatic relations of the United 
States in the Spanish- American Republics, Messrs. Fabri, 
Italian Bankers and Agents of the Italian Government, 
Mr. Chauncey, of the firm of Fabri & Chauncey, Mr. 
Plumb, the well-known writer upon Mexico, and other 
gentlemen no less distinguished. 

The dinner commenced at half-past six P.M. The table 
was sumptuous, and the service left nothing to be desired. 
Mr. Delmonico displayed once more the resources of his 
art, and that exquisite taste which has given to his es- 
tablishment the reputation of being the first restaurant of 
New York. 

After an hour of lively conversation, devoted, as was 
natural, to testimonials to the exquisite flavor of the 
viands, Mr. Squier gave the first toast, proposing a gen- 
eral glass in honor of Seiior Vicuna Mackenna, who pre- 
sided over the table. In reply, Seiior Vicuna Mackenna 
proposed a toast in honor of the Press of the United 
States. He said that although in other countries, in the 



86 

present condition of the human race, the press was a 
power, in the United States it had attained the character 
of a true public institution, without which the Republic 
could not exist ; that in his opinion, the press had done 
more to put down the rebellion in the South than the 
armies of the North, in that while they were sometimes 
defeated and destroyed, the press had never been con- 
quered. In conclusion, he recalled the observation of 
Miguel Chevalier, who by himself alone characterized the 
role of the press of this country. It is known that in his 
travels through the United States, wherever he saw a vil- 
lage (to-day a city,) that even where there were only three 
houses, one of them was a bank, the other a school, and 
the third a printing-oflSce. 

Mr. Wilkes, as the Deacon of the Journalists present, 
replied to the toast of Senor Vicuna Mackenna, asking a 
unanimous glass to be drank standing, to " Heroic Chili.'' 
Three hurrahs resounded at the termination of the enthu- 
siastic toast of Mr. Wilkes. The next toast was given by 
Senor Bruzualwho, in a patriotic speech, happily de- 
veloped the idea that the American Republics, free since 
the war for their independence, ought to strengthen them- 
selves by breaking the only ties which bind them to Spain 
— preoccupation and inattention to other ideas than those 
which the Revolution had given birth to, thus destroying 
for ever European influence in America. 

Senor Sarmiento, alluding to the previous toast, said 
that the Republic of the United States, like a colossal 
iron-clad, was sailing towards the future, and that the 
Republics of South America, taking advantage of the tran- 
quil wake which she leaves, will follow closely. 

Senor Bazora gave a succinct account of the war of 
Santo Domingo and Spain, and after showing that the 
Dominicans had only calculated upon their heroism to com- 
bat with an army strong and full of resources, concluded, 
expressing his conviction that Chili would do as much, 
and would know how to put an end to the pretensions of 
Spain. 

Senor Santacilia drank the next toast, that Cuba 
would soon add to the number of American Republics, 
thus assuming the position destined for her by nature, 
topography, history and race. 

Senor Macias — That the solitary star of Cuba, dark- 



87 

ened to-day by the cloud of slavery, will soon shine, illu- 
minated by the splendor of that of Chili. 

In continuation, Senor Baz gave the toast in honor of 
Mexico — as a people wiio, after a triple invasion, continued 
to combat their enemy with firmness and energy, surround- 
ing him in their strong places ; and in honor of Juarez as 
the guiding star. The toast was received with enthu- 
siasm and drank standing. 

Messrs. Kodgers, Mackie, Evans, and Squier drank 
in turn to Chili, her hospitality, her progress, and the 
noble and dignified conduct observed in the present ques- 
tion with Spain. . 

Mr. Squier proposed a toast in honor of General Prim, 
that great, sagacious man, he said, who had foreseen the 
events of which America was going to be the theatre, and 
in accordance with the nobleness of his character, had has- 
tened to retire from the scene. 

Lastly, Senor Vicuna Mackenna gave a toast in 
honor of Italy and Garibaldi. He remembered that that 
nation was, through her democratic sentiments, the sin- 
cere friend of America, and cited Garibaldi as the only 
European able to represent in himself, to the New and 
Old World, one who had fought for the liberty of both. 
This last toast was replied to by Mr. Fabri in a manner 
as brief as eloquent, and the hour being already advanced, 
the guests repaired to the saloon, where coffee and liquors 
were served, remaining in pleasant conversation until 12 
o'clock, at which hour they departed. 

In allusion to this Banquet, the " Herald" says on the 
following morning : — 

''' Last Wednesday evening, Senor Vicuna Mackenna, 
Special Envoy from the Eepublic of Chili to the United 
States, entertained various distinguished persons from 
South America and the representatives of the press of 
New York, with a splendid dinner at '^ Delmonico's" res- 
taurant, in Fifth Avenue. 

" Among the guests were — Senor Bruzual, the Minister 
of Venezuela; Senor Navarro, Consul- General of Mexico; 
General Sanchez Ochoa ; Senor Baz, Governor of Mexico ; 
Dr. Basora, of Santo Domingo ; Senor Alvarez, Confiden- 
tial Agent of Peru ; Senor Santacilia ; Senor Fleury, Sec- 
retary of the Brazilian Legation ; Dr. Kodgers, the 
Chilian Consul in New York ; Mr. Squier, ex-Minister of 



• . 88 

the United States to Central America ; Dr. Mackie, for- 
merly employed in the Department of State at Washing- 
ton ; George Wilkes, Esq., Frank Leslie, Esq., and the 
representatives of the Herald. 

" The dining-room was decorated with the ilags of 
the United States, Chili, and Peru, gracefully arranged 
at either end of the table. Delmonico, the prince of res- 
taurateurs, displayed all the taste and exquisite skill of 
his art. 

"In reply to the various particular toasts of the guests, 
Senor Yicuiia Mackenna, • Messrs. Squier and Wilkes, 
Senores Bruzual, Mackie, Navarro, and others, pronounced 
eloquent speeches. The principal theme of the remarks of 
those gentlemen was a strong protest against foreign in- 
tervention in the affairs of America, especially with rela- 
tion to Chili and Mexico — " Europe for Europeans," and 
the base of all the sentiments expressed was a desire that 
the Monroe Doctrine should be strictly maintained, from 
the Kio Grande to Cape Horn. The enthusiasm and elo- 
quence of the guests kept the party together until nearly 
midnight." 



THE 

UNION LEAGUE CLUB, 



EEMARKS OF B. VICUNA MAOEENM 

ON THE 

Telegrapli of So-ath -A^merica. 



On Thursday evening, 6tli December, the IN'ew York 
Union League Club held its regular monthly meeting, and 
after P. McD. Collins, Enterpriser of the Telegraph round 
the World, had delisrered his address, already known to the 
public, the Hon. Yicuna Mackenna, from Chili, who ac- 
cidentally was among the numerous guests, was introduced 
by Mr. Blunt, one of the vice-presidents of the Club, as a 
representative of the heroic Republic of Chili, who so 
bravely maintained her rights against old and proud Spain 
— a cause dear to all the American people. (Great ap- 
plause.) Mr. Blunt further remarked that England had 
come forward to the support of Chili for the same reason 
that she supported the rebellion — for copper. (Laughter.) 

Mr. Vicuna Mackenna having been loudly cheered, said 
that he thanked the gentlemen of the meeting for the pro- 
found and noble sympathy shown by them for his country, 
and himself personally ; that he did not propose to deliver 
an address, as he found himself unprepared for such an 
occasion, having come there only to hear the wonders of 
the telegraph ; that had he known he would have been 
called upon to speak, he would have been prepared to say 
something worthy of the attention of so many-distinguished 
gentlemen. But as Mr. Collins, in his eloquent address, 
had mentioned his country several times with the applause 
of the assembly, he desired to be allowed to say that when 



90 

Secretary Seward addressed the governments of several na- 
tions in behalf of Mr. Collins' scheme, the government of 
his country was the first to answer the invitation, and 
offered its support to Mr. Collins, as Chili was fond of 
telegraphs, and of everything that meant progress. (Ap- 
plause.) That they had more than one thousand miles of 
telegraph wire already laid out in the country before the 
war with Spain commenced ; but that as soon as war was 
declared by Admiral Pareja, the Chilians replied to his 
dastardly attack somewhat as Columbus did to the Inqui- 
sition of Salamanca when they wanted to prevent his com- 
ing to discover this continent — ordering one thousand 
miles more of telegraph wire to be run for the internal de- 
fense of the country. (Applause.) 

He further remarked that Chili, south of Panama, was 
the only country in South America fitted for the Collins 
telegraph passing from the Pacific to the Atlantic, over 
the Pampas of Buenos Ayres ; that this part of the line 
could be easily made in three or four months, as it was 
only one third of the length of the overland line to Califor- 
nia, constructed, through the perseverance of 'Mr. Collins, 
in five months ; that already the building of two railways 
was contemplated, to cross the Pampas from Chili to La 
Plata- — the northern line from Copiapo to Rosario, on the 
Parana River, and the other from Curico south to Buenos 
Ayres ; that two enterprising Americans were the promo- 
ters of these grand projects — the well-known Mr. Wheel- 
wright, of Newburyport, of the northern line, and Henry 
Meiggs, of California, of the southern line. General Mitre, 
the enlightened and patriotic president of the Argentine 
Republic, a man who will stand forth prominently among 
the patriots of South America, had offered his warmest 
support to Mr. Meiggs' idea, believing that the best 
frontier against the wild Indian of the Pampas would 
be an iron track, which would thus spare the Argentine 
Republic the expense and the danger of maintaining six 
thousand soldiers to protect that part of the country from 
the raids of the savages. The orator added that another 
engineer, an American, too — Mr. Goldsborough — had laid 
before the Chilian Government a plan to build a subma- 
rine telegraph from Panama to Valparaiso, running from 
port to port, on the line of the English steamers of the 
South Pacific. 



91 

Apropos of English commerce and enterprise in the 
South Pacific, Mr. Vicuna Mackenna observed, that not 
a single mercantile steam vessel, carrying the American 
flag, had been seen south of Panama for years, and that 
through the fault of the Americans, that splendid field of 
commerce had been monopolized by the English since 
1842, who maintained there a fine fleet of twenty or thirty 
steamers. He further observed that the Chilians would be 
grateful to England for having come to their relief in the war 
with Spain; because, although Mr. Blunt, in rather a blunt 
manner (laughter), remarked that England was prompted 
in that case by her copper interest, still, no matter why, 
she was sustaining their rights, and they would feel grateful 
to any country for coming forward from the same motive. 

The speaker further observed that, although Chili was 
a great copper country, the Chilians were not copperheads. 
(Applause and laughter.) He advised the Americans to 
study the South American countries, especially Chili, to 
change their false policy towards them, and to go and see 
what they are. " Don't argue,'' he said, '^ that our 
doors are shut now, because if you go you will find some 
fair hand to open them. And then, gentlemen, if they are 
still shut, since you built the ^' Monnadnock '' and the 
" Dunderberg," you have in your hands the keys of the 
world." (Applause.) 

As in the course of his address, Mr.Collins, in a very 
pictorial manner, said that he purposed to enclose South 
America with a kind of North American lasso, in the form 
of a circular telegraph, Mr. 7icuiia Mackenna closed his 
remarks with the following words, which were enthusiasti- 
cally received by the assembly : — I hope the day will come 
soon when the lasso of progress will enclose all the South 
American Republics, each one coming forward in support 
of Mr. Collins' enterprise. But allow me to remind you, 
gentlemen, that there is a yet more glorious and ancient 
lasso which binds the two continents of America in a sin- 
gle world of liberty and democracy, and that South Amer- 
ican and North American lasso is the Monroe Doctrine. — 
(G-reat applause.) 

Allow me further to say, that in South America we un- 
derstand the Monroe Doctrine to be, not an empty word — 
not a platform word — not a newspaper word — we under- 
stand it as two great men of this country understand it — 



92 



as General Soheack understands it in Congress, and as 
General Grant understands it on the field of battle : I 
mean to say that we understand it at the mouth of the 
cannon. (Renewed and great applause.) 

A vote of thanks, was unanimously passed to the speaker; 
and further, that his address should be printed at the ex- 
pense of the Club. The meeting then adjourned. 

The New York Tribune, of December 15th, gives the 
following account of the proceedings of that session of the 
^Nfew York Union League Club : 

" Last evening, the regular monthly meeting of the 
Union League Club was held at their rooms in East Seven- 
teenth Street, Charles Butler, Esq., presiding. 

After the transaction of business, Mr. P. McD. Collins 
was introduced, and delivered the same lecture which he 
read before the Travelers' Club on the 8th of November. 

Seiior Don Benjamin Yicuna Mackenna, Special Envoy 
from Chili, was then introduced, who spoke as follows : 

Gentlemen — jifter hearing such an eloquent lecture, 
on a subject so interesting to the world, and by a man so 
superior in intelligence, I think I am justified in saying 
that your kindness in calling on me to speak amounts 
almost to cruelty. 

But as Mr. Collins has mentioned in his lecture the 
'name of my country, and I find myself among gentlemen 
whom I consider friends of Chili, I venture to say that that 
country was the first in South America to offer its cordial 
and effective support to the great idea of encircling the 
world with the telegraph. While, in fact, by its geograph- 
ical position, Chili is in want of such a means of short- 
ening distances, the telegraph will benefit it more than any 
other nation, owing to its exclusion by nature from inter- 
course with other nations. Chili is fond of telegraphs — is 
fond of everything that brings progress. (Applause.) We 
• had our pivot line of telegraphs in 1850, and now we have 
the whole country spanned by them. 

A line has been proposed from Panama to Valparaiso. 
Chili is the only country through which telegraph lines 
could go from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean. — 
It will not be adventurous to say that this line will soon 
be completed. 

I hope these facts will induce some of your enterprising 
men to study it, and invest their capital. 



93 

Seiior Mackenna alluded to the monopolizing of the 
commerce of Chili by England, a fact which he hoped 
would not long continue. 

The speaker ended with a brilliant allusion to the Monroe 
doctrine. Its vital principle was the power which bound 
together the republics of this continent, and without which 
they could not exist. He hoped the time would come when 
it would be enunciated not only by editors and orators, but 
by such men as General Grant and General Schenck 
through the mouth of the cannon. (Immense applause.) 

A vote of thanks to Senor Mackenna was passed una- 
nimously." 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 



To the Hon. Thomas H. Nelson, Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy EX' 
traordinary from the United States of America to Chili, as a slight 
testimony of sincere friendship and profound sympathy with him in his 
just sorrow for the irreparable loss suffered hy America in the death 
of ABRAHAM LINCOLN', sixteenth President of the United 
States. 

" One mournful wail is heard from shore to shore, 
A Nation's heart is stricken to the core ; 
And Freedom, kneeling with uncovered head, 
Weeps by the altar of Our Country's Dead.''* 

Albert Evans — On the Death of President Lincoln, 



A sudden and overwhelming calamity has befallen 
America ! 

The bells of all the cities have tolled mournfully; 
the flags of all nations have been draped with the habili- 
ments of woe ; all countenances display deep anguish; 
days of humiliation, fasting and prayer have been observed 
by all creeds — in a word, it may be said, without hyper- 
bole, that the world discovered by Columbus has been 
overwhelmed with grief. 

And wherefore ? 

Is it perchance that tidings of some unheard-of catas- 
trophe have been received at the same time throughout all 
countries ? Of fire, shipwreck, pestilence, overwhelming 
inundations ? What fearful plague has the wrath of 
Heaven let loose upon the earth ? Alas I it is none of 



95 

these wliicli make men's hearts grow faint and their fore- 
heads how low heneath the chastening rod! The hor- 
ror of all that is ahout us has effaced from our minds 
horror itself. And therefore it is that the most sanguin- 
ary battles fail to agonize the soul, that the martyrdom of 
a people in one grand conflagration does not receive the 
poor tribute of a memorial stone, and that the sudden 
disappearance of a city reduced to atoms causes neither 
dread nor wonder. Man of the present day, placed in the 
vast camp of ruins called life, seems more wonder-stricken 
at his own existence than at the unceasing destruction of 
all created things, as he sees opening before his feet, ever 
brilliant, ever fleeting, like the ignis fataus, that other 
chimera, the smiling mask of death — styled futurity. 

What, then, has occurred ? 

Alas ! That which has caused this deep, instanta- 
neous, irrepressible sorrow in the hearts of all men — that 
which has made the old man, the child and the maiden 
alike leave their dwellings in search of the sad tidings — 
that which has clothed all cities in mourning, and trans- 
formed the whole of America, moved by one common sen- 
timent, into one single altar for public prayer, into one 
sepulchre — is the death of an Honest Man ! 



II. 

Yes ; Abraham Lincoln was not one of those great and 
terrible beings known in history as Caesar and Hannibal, 
Charlemagne and Napoleon. His shoulders knew no 
robes more regal than the simple dress of a citizen ; no 
crown encircled his forehead, save the sweat of rude and 
honest toil ; his arm wielded no other weapon than the 
axe which felled the forest trees, that the ground they 
shaded might yield the sweet fruits of the earth. He was, 
on the contrary, that almost unknown being, an humble 
apostle who had emerged from the forests of the Great 
West to sit in the Capitol of the Kome of free ages, and 
standing on the topmost of its steps, as it were on the 
Sinai of Holy Writ, spoke to a multitude of down-trod- 
den beings grovelling in the vilest servitude, or weighed 
down by the chains placed upon them by the strong, and 
said to them : ^' Be men ! for there is but one humanity. 
Be Christians I for there is but one God." 



96 

III. 

There are men who have no ancestry and need them 
not. The world is their country — the human race their 
family. Abraham Lincoln was one of that class. No one 
knows with certainty from whence he came. All eyes are 
turned to the bright place whither he is going. His bap- 
tismal certificate would appear to be inscribed in the 
vault of that heaven whose brilliant rays illuminate his 
redeeming march; and, therefore, as he falls on one side 
■ the victim of an assassin's stroke, he is seen to rise, crowned 
with resplendent lights, to ascend to the highest place in 
the Kingdom of the Just! 

The earthly life of such grand spirits is not an exist- 
ence: it is a mission. Hence it is, that they make their 
appearance but at the interval of centuries. Between the 
initiatory mission of George Washington and the culmi- 
nating mission of Abraham Lincoln, the American race 
had passed through an entire era. 

The colonist and the slave were the two extremes of 
that grand spiritual transformation of the inhabited globe 
known as " Democracy.'^ 

Washington changed the first into a citizen, and passed 
away, great, sublime, almost sanctified, to be claimed by 
all ages. 

Lincoln changed the second into a man, and for this he 
falls a martyr; the whole earth his sepulchre. 

Heroes in goodness ! Blessed be ye throughout all 
ages and amongst all men ! 

IV. 

But who was Abraham Lincoln, as a moral being and 
as a character, as the living agent of that supreme good- 
ness which seemed to be incorporated with, and a very part 
of, his immortal spirit ? That is what we shall endeavor 
to show in these hastily prepared lines. Some incidents, 
made known by sorrowing and absent friends, and a few 
of those pages, covered with the emblems of mourning, 
which have been scattered by the press, are all that we 
have with which to delineate to our countrymen that 
noble figure of goodness, which should be attempted only 
by the greatest artists, and not by our feeble hand. 



97 



Y. 

Abraham Lincoln was born in the midst of the primeval 
forests of America, on the banks of the Ohio, and not far 
from the Mississippi, the first the finest, and the other the 
largest of North American rivers. His father was a 
laborer; his grandfather was a colonist- soldier, and per- 
ished at his own door, while defending his home from the 
savages. In the midst of those Kentucky woods, on the 
12th of February, 1809, came into the world, he whose 
name, for ages to come, shall never be uttered save with 
the veneration inspired by the great Eedeemer's, with the 
love felt for all public benefactors, and with the sorrow 
due to all sublime martyrs. 

" Abraham Lincoln (said one of the journals opposed to 
him, as in mockery of his humble origin), this honest old 
lawyer, with face half Koman, half Indian, passed his first 
years in the western wilds, grappling with remonstrating 
bears, and looking out for the too frequent rattlesnake. 
Tall, strong, lithe and smiling, Abe toiled on as farm- 
laborer, mule-driver, sheep-feeder, deer-killer, wood-cut- 
ter, and, lastly, as boatman on the waters of the Wabash 
and the Mississippi. '^ 

YL 

Such was the childhood and youth of Abraham Lin- 
coln. When but seven years of age, in 1316, he left the 
Kentucky forests on the southern bank 'of the Ohio, for 
those on the other side of the river in the State of Indiana. 
Fourteen years later, in 1830, he again moved from the 
Indiana forests into the still more savage ones of Illinois, 
on the confines of the region then inhabited by the savages 
whose arrow's had, years before, caused the dea,th of his 
grandsire. These two trips, or rather this progressive 
march of the Western settler, which marked two epochs 
in the obscure life of Abraham Lincoln, had presented but 
one contrast, but one simple and natural change — which 
was, that in the first he was carried by his father with the- 
rest of his family, in a wagon drawn by oxen, whilst in the 
latter, it was he who, being more fit for work, guided the 
vehicle which carried his household goods to the Far 
West. 



98 

On his arrival in Illinois, the young settler found him- 
self — as had his grandfather — with gun in hand, to resist 
the invasion of the aboriginal tribes. In the war with 
the Indians, known as the Black Hawk War, he was 
elected by his companions Captain of Volunteers. 

YII. 

During all this time, Abraham Lincoln had been to 
school but for six months. But there are beings who de- 
rive their learning from all that they see, or that they 
hear, or that comes into their hands, whether printed or 
written — books, newspapers, paintings, objects of nature, 
— in a word, all that can be acquired from books, as ideas 
or as syntheses ; and Abraham Lincoln's was one of those 
deep minds which gather, from observation and compari- 
son, an immense store of intellectual wealth and practical 
knowledge. 

By said means, Abraham Lincoln became a lawyer in 
1835. 

He was not a lawyer graduated at a University ; he had 
no diploma, and could scarcely count twenty-seven years 
of a poor and uneventful life ; but the moral power which 
was raising him to the glorious end in store for him, soon 
placed him at the summit of the profession which he had 
selected. 

In 1845, Abraham Lincoln was the best lawyer in the 
State of Illinois. 

VIIL 

But Abraham Lincoln wa-^ not like all other lawyers. 
Having had no masters, neither had he colleagues, nor 
numerous but haughty clients, such as gather round the 
jurists in vogue. For him, the Forum was not an arena 
for ambition, nor a field camp in which to strive for scho- 
lastic renown; it was not even the tribunal of science, 
and much less the place for acquiring wealth. It was 
something nobler^ for he was more humble and disinter- 
ested. For that athlete of the forests, the Forum was the 
tribunal of Grod's justice; it was the throne of the law, 
sublime goddess of that modern paganism, stigmatized by 
Rome, called Human Democracy, simple formula of the 
Old Grospel which proclaimed the equality of men; it was. 



99 

in fine, the portico of charity where the unfortunate sought 
refuge from the strong, and where all persecuted virtue 
found a shelter. 

That was the diadem of Abraham Lincoln — the start- 
ing-point in his grand mission of humanity. Mercy, ten- 
derness, love for the good, respect for man, pity for the 
afflicted, and, above all, his perfect,unquestioned and sub- 
lime honesty. Abraham Lincoln was the advocate of the 
poor, of all the widows and orphans of Illinois; and 
therefore lived in an humble way, with no other happi- 
ness and no other pride than his wife and children, his sole 
income being his daily bread, blessed by the lips of thou- 
sands. 

In that simple home, the sole inheritance of the mar- 
tyr's children, lived, for twenty-five years, the very personi- 
fication of unspotted honor, that " Honest Abe,'' whom 
the American people mourn as for a father, and bless al- 
most as a saint. It was there in his old homestead, in 
Springfield, that his fellow-countrymen sought him to 
carry him to that Capitol in Washington, from the sum- 
mit of which it seems as though the whole world might 
be surveyed; and there he now rests in the eternal sleep of 
this earthly nothingness, after having received, in his pas- 
sage from the Presidential Chair to the tomb-— not the 
angry oath of those who shook the bloody tunic of Caesar 
in the Forum, crying for vengeance !— but the grandest 
Apotheosis within the memory of ages, as a tribute from 
a free people to a citizen. 

IX. 

As a political man, Abraham Lincoln had but one 
principle — Liberty, as, when a lawyer, he had but one 
aim — Justice. Therefore, before being called to the Presi- 
dential Chair of Washington's successors, had his voice 
for truth and liberty already been heard at public meet- 
ings, and in the halls of Congress on two solemn occasions 
in the history of the American nation. The first was 
when the accursed ambition of the men of the South car- 
ried into Mexico the banner of the Stars, veiled with the 
crape of the usurpers. Abraham Lincoln, placing himself 
by the side of the noble Clay, and from the seat which he 
occupied by the votes of his fellow-citizens, as a represen- 
tative in Congress from Illinois, denounced before the 



100 

world the crime of that oligarchy of slavery, which wished 
to usurp the territories lying south of the Union, to plant 
therein the seed of slavery, accursed of God and con- 
demned by the human law of all times. 

The second proof was in 1858, when those same men at- 
tempted to gain, through political trickery, the territories 
of the North, in order to introduce into that virgin soil 
their black institutions, by repealing the so-called " Mis- 
souri Compromise,^' which had, since 1820, prevented the 
propagation of slavery into the North by a barrier as of 
granite, for it was the barrier of the law. 

Abraham Lincoln had then become the hope of a party. 
The Republicans were organizing in those days of prepar- 
ation, under the rallying cry of "No more slavery in free 
territories." The Democrats, who were already meditat- 
ing the bloody catastrophe, which has been termed the 
" Kebellion," put forward, on their side, as opponent to 
the rising athlete of the West, in this conflict, or rather 
in this skirmish preliminary to the grand struggle, the 
man of the South whom they considered their champion, 
the famous Stephen Douglass, known as the little giant 
on account of his small stature and colossal eloquence. 
They were both candidates for seats in the United States 
Senate from the State of Illinois. They contested face to 
face, day by day, and hour by hour, by speech, by argu- 
ment, and at the ballot-box. The popular voice was in 
favor of Abraham Lincoln, but the votes of the State Le- 
gislature elected his rivals and Abraham Lincoln yielded a 
willing submission, for the choice was made in accordance 
with the iBi-w. 

X. 

But his defeat was his most glorious victory. He had 
entered the lists as a soldier in a just cause, and though 
defeated now, he was to rise again as leader in that cause. 
Few men— says a California journalist, as he draws, with 
masterly hand, the necrology of President Lincoln, 
referring to the above-mentioned electioneering canvass of 
1858,-— -were able to cope with Stephen Douglass ; but 
Abraham Lincoln was. In the force and logic of his ar- 
guments, in the style of eloquence requisite to move the 
masses of the West, in his readiness with answers, in his 



101 

just criteria, iu the art of captivating and convincing vast 
assemblages, he had but few superiors. 

Even that great and discontented distributor of all high 
reputations — the London Times — said, when giving an 
account of a book which was published, with the debates 
upon slavery, between Douglass and Lincoln, in Illinois, 
that this " obscure Western lawyer*' had by himself 
thrown more novelty and light upon that old subject, than 
was due to Wilberforce and Lord Brougham, the great 
English abolitionists, to the most illustrious opponents of 
slavery in the American Union — Henry Clay and Daniel 
Webster. 

The reputation of Abraham Lincoln was already made, 
for it had crossed the Atlantic. 

XI. 

Be it as it might, Lincoln, though defeated by Douglass 
in Illinois, in 1858, in his turn triumphed over the latter 
in all the free States in 1860; and Abraham Lincoln, the 
"rail-splitter" of Hardin County, Kentucky, and the plain 
lawyer of Springfield, was inaugurated President of the 
United States on the 4th of March, 1861. 

The farewell words of Lincoln on that occasion to the 
town of his love were, like his own soul, pure and full of 
tenderness. 

"My friends," said he, betraying much emotion, as he 
addressed the inhabitants of Springfield for the last time, 
on the 11th of February, 1861 — " my friends, no one not 
in my position can appreciate the sadness I feel at this 
parting. To this people I owe all that I am. • Here I 
have lived more than a quarter of a century ; here my 
children were born; and here one of them lies buried. I 
know not how soon I shall see you again. A duty devolves 
upon me which is, perhaps, greater than that which has 
devolved upon any other man since the days of Washing- 
ton. He never could have succeeded except for the aid of 
Divine Providence, upon which he at all times relied. I 
feel that I cannot succeed without the same Divine aid 
which sustained him; and in the same Almighty Being I 
place my reliance for support; and I hope you, my friends, 
will all pray that I may receive that Divine assistance, 
without which I cannot succeed, but with which success 
is certain. Again, I bid you all an affectionate farewell.'' 



102 

The man who had secured all the votes of Illinois, now 
carried away with him all their hearts. 

XII. 

Not less nohle nor ingenuous was his inaugural address 
on the 4th of March, 1861, delivered in the presence of the 
American Congress, the majority of which was opposed to 
him politically. He spoke to the legislators of his country 
as he had spoken to the obscure voters of Springfield — 
with a heart overflowing with goodness, love, and hope of 
reconciliation and happiness. 

" My countrymen," he cried, as he closed that famous 
address, and after protesting that he should never attempt 
to interfere with the sovereign right of any slave State in 
the Union to manage their own institutions — " My coun- 
trymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this 
whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking 
time. 

" If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste 
to a step which you would never take deliberately, that 
object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good ob- 
ject can be frustrated by it. 

'^ Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old 
Constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive point the 
laws of your own framing under it; while the new admin- 
istration will have no immediate power, if it would, to 
change either. 

f ^ If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold 
the right side in the dispute, there is still no reason for 
precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, 
and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken 
this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best 
way, all our present difficulties. 

'' In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and 
not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The 
Government will not assail you. 

^^ You can have no conflict without being yourselves the 
aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to 
destroy the Government; while I shall have the most 
solemn one to preserve, protect, and defend it. 
''•"'/ I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. 
We must not be enemies. Though passion may have 
strained, it mast not break our bonds of affection. 



103 

" The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every 
battle field and patriot grave to every living heart and 
hearth-stone all over this broad land, will yet swell the 
chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they 
will be, by the better angels of our nature." 

What other man ever used like language to his fellow- 
citizens, to his enemies, to the avowed conspirators against 
his authority ? In vain would we look for two passages 
in any way approaching those just quoted, in those mean- 
ingless array of words, commonly called Messages, of the 
sovereigns to their people. 

XIII. 

The doings, the sufferings, the purposes of Abraham 
Lincoln during the four years of his first tumultuous pres- 
idential term, and up to the moment when the parricidal 
bullet pierced through the walls of his mighty intellect, 
all are known to the whole world, and his glory would 
gain nothing by a single additional note, obscure and un- 
known, to the infinite hymn now being sung in his honor 
by all freemen throughout the universe. But here we 
wish to recall to the memory of all another noble act. — 
When McClellan, in 1862, was forced to abandon the first 
siege of Richmond, the people of Washington, exasperated 
at the disaster, held a war meeting to denounce the Secre- 
tary of War, at whose door the blame of the failure was 
laid. The excitement was intense; but lo! in the midst of 
the multitude appears one who is greeted with vociferous 
applause by all. It was the President of the United 
States! Without the least hesitation, he ascends the 
stand prepared for the public speakers, and, after a short 
address, he utters words, worthy to be eternally remem- 
bered. 

."We know nothing greater in the political history of 
mankind than that trait of noble patriotism, manly loy- 
alty, and truly sublime and christian humility, unless it 
be that other eminently American act of the transfer 
which took place at Washington of the supreme power 
when Abraham Lincoln breathed his last. The transfer 
of the most extensive civil and military power, whether on 
land or at sea, of the present day, was made with the same 
simplicity with which the patriarchs of old used to divide 



104 

the inheritance of their tribe amongst their offspring. — 
That Napoleon I, might receive the ci'own upon his tem- 
ples beneath the banners of Notre Dame at Paris, it was 
necessary for him to deluge Europe in blood for ten long 
years. That Andrew Johnson might be invested with the 
supreme rule of |the most powerful nation of modern 
times, nothing more was requisite than a simple message 
to a hotel, and a conversation rather thon a ceremony of a 
few moments duration in a private room. 

XIY. 

The rigid loyalty of Abraham Lincolnin the presence of 
public assemblages never swerved before any power, never 
gave way to any passion. Abraham Lincoln, calm and 
alert as a skilful pilot in a storm, always used the same 
language to the loyal people and to the people in rebellion; 
to the Congress of the United States asking for informa- 
tion, and to the public gatherings who called him to his 
balconies seeking his aid or counsel; to the powerful Gov- 
ernment of Great Britain, to whom he returned Slidell 
and Mason in the name of the law, and to weaker Brazil, 
whose flag he caused to be saluted, as homage due to jus- 
tice violated by force. 

XY. 

In this respect, Abraham Lincoln was one of the most 
uncommon and greatest of men, because, as a political 
man, he possessed the love of truth — that grand and rare 
virtue amongst the politicians who now rule the world. — 
He was the founder of a new school. He took upon him- 
self to prove to the world that the conscience of an honest 
man was better for governing a nation than all the can- 
nons of brute force, and all the intrigues of cunning and 
perfidy. Prior to his appearance, to govern was to lie.— 
Now, falsehood, like a fetid torch, would be extinguished 
on the white marble of his tomb. Before him, Franklin 
Pierce had, by that human abomination which courtiers 
loudly applaud, and style " intriguing ability,'' placed the 
Union on the brink of the abyss into which it was after- 
wards precipitated by James Buchanan's decrepit imbe- 
cility — convenient pabulum of the felony of thousands of 
hidden traitors for four long years. But Lincoln raised 



105 

from the ground liis criminally betrayed countryj restored 
her to her ancient glory, placed in her hand the sword of 
justice, and on her forehead the brilliant diadem of truth. 
Abraham Lincoln, as chief ruler of one of the great 
powers of modern times, reduced all books on diplomacy 
to one single principle — good faith; interpreted all interna- 
tional codes in one way — ^justice; and brushed away all 
the schemes and artifices of politicians with one single 
tool — the truth. 

XYI. 

Abraham Lincoln was never guilty of falsehood. All 
that he ever did was pre-announced by himself as to the 
time and manner in which he would do; and when the 
hour fixed arrived, his promise was fulfilled though the 
whole world might interpose. In his inaugural message, 
for example, he said that he wished not to interfere with 
the question of slavery in the Southern States, in order to 
give them no pretext for rebellion; and although the pres- 
sure of his party bore heavily upon his will and action to 
induce him to revoke that promise, he would never do so, 
neither in the moments of exultation because of glorious 
victories, nor in the midst of panics because of disasters. 

A little later, in a proclamation which shall henceforth 
be placed in the annals of America by the side of Wash- 
ington's farewell address, he announced that slavery would 
be declared abolished in all rebel States which should not 
have submitted on a fixed day and hour, and on that day 
and hour four millions of human beings were made free. 

XYIL 

Thus were laid for all times the foundations of a policy 
totally at variance with the old course of the world. The 
policy or doctrine of Monroe was an energetic but egotis- 
tical expansion of American strength within its own orbit. 
Lincoln's policy was the extension of universal conscience 
throughout all" ends of the earth. The doctrine of the 
first was a menace to Europe. The policy of the latter is 
a lesson to the world; and, now that that doctrine has 
been consecrated by tbe blood of its author, all ages shall 
take upon themselves to convert the belief of the Just into 
the religion of all who love Justice. 



106 



XVIII. 

We have said all that we know of Abraham Lincoln. — 
Such was he as a lawyer, statesman, and chief magistrate. 
We will now look at him as a man. 

The noblest virtues which adorned that grand figure of 
modern times, were the loving kindness of his character, 
and the magnanimous clemency of his soul. 

Never, during those four years of frightful struggle, in 
which blood poured as from a heaven darkened by the 
most horrible passions, and the smoke of gigantic battles, 
never was that humble but most powerful man heard to 
utter an angry, not even a bitter word against his en- 
emies and those of his country. His favorite saying was 
one of the noblest sentences of Christianity — '^ Forgive 
them. Lord, for they know not what they do." That was 
the emblem of the hate with which his heart returned the 
hatred of his adversaries; that was the sole reply of Lib- 
erty's high priest to the thousand foul tongues which day 
by day poured the venom of calumny upon his noble head; 
that was, perchance, the sublime meditation of that spirit 
of mercy so clearly pictured in his long suffering face, at 
the very moment when the parricide's stroke chilled on his 
lips his last habitual smile. And that was, we cannot 
doubt; his last and only vengeance, as, in his tranquil and 
silent agony, raising his thoughts to that God whom he 
ever invoked, he prayed, in humble imitation of the 
spotless Lamb of Calvary, for the pardon of his slayers. 
Alas ! why do men like Abraham Lincoln die, when so 
many cruel tyrants, so m?.ny vile doers of crime, so many 
oppressors of humanity, robed in the purple of the Caesars, 
or in the worn-out mantle of the sellers in the Temple, 
still live in all their pomp and sin ? Why did not the 
guardian angel of America, that' tutelary genius who 
closed in peace the eyes of Freedom's greatest heroes — 
Washington and Bolivar, San Martin and Franklin — why 
did he not stay the slayer's arm, as in the case mentioned 
in Holy Writ, and which is brought to our mind by the 
name of our great martyr, and once more fulfil that law 
of salvation which has redeemed from danger so many 
precious lives ? 

God alone knows ! 

Meanwhile, the sentence of destiny had gone forth; 



107 

and therefore was consummated the greatest crime the 
world ever saw, in audacity, combination, and success; in 
the choice of place, hour, and occasion: in the motives 
alleged; in all its episodes and parties; in a word, that 
tragedy of a second's duration, in which appeared the 
horrible and terrible spectre, Wilkes Booth, the most atro- 
cious and the most daring of all criminals who have be- 
queathed their names to history. Truly, in order to sa- 
crifice in such a manner so kind, so merciful a man, one 
so full of all goodness as Abraham Lincoln, it needed that 
in the universe there should also dwell a man with heart 
devoured by the flames of hell, and whose assassin arm 
should be strengthened with the terrible energy of the 
reprobate. 

To slay Nero, the arm of a cowardly and base slave 
sufficed. Cain alone could have murdered Abel! 

XIX. 

In the honors which have been rendered to the great 
martyr of the age, in the tears which have been shed, and 
in the eulogiums which have been made by all mankind, 
there has been nothing fictitious or conventional. The 
liberation of the slaves had inscribed his name on the 
golden page of the saviours of humanity, which com- 
menced with Moses, and had been closed with Wash- 
ington. 

His unbounded toleration of all creeds, all systems, and 
all things not condemned by law and justice, those eternal 
attributes of all nations, had made him the citizen of all 
countries, and therefore all have mourned for him as for a 
personal loss. His very enemies have furnished the noblest 
and most expressive epitaphs for his tomb. General Lee, 
on hearing of the crime, exclaimed, as his eyes filled with 
tears, " The man has gone who conquered the South be- 
fore and more effectually than all the armies of Grant!" 
and that other remark of the implacable rebel. General 
Koger Pryor — " The best friend of the South has gone," 
are not they of themselves the brightest crown of all which, 
in his funeral apotheosis, decked the brow cold in death 
of the dictator of good ? 

XX. 

In his private habits, Abraham Lincoln was worthy of 



108 

the ancient name he bore. He lived as did the patriarchs 
of the early ages, with no other pleasures than love for 
his kin; v^ith no other goods than the roof under which 
he passed his days; no other worship than that of God. — 
He belonged to no sect; he recognized the mystic supre- 
macy of no church; but he was, notwithstanding, the 
most fervent christian, the most generous philanthropist, 
the sincerest and humblest of believers, as is shown by his 
speeches, harangues, messages to Congress, and, in short, 
by everything which fell from his lips or was written by 
his pen, which were ever clothed in the vastest and truest 
religious spirit. His enemies said that he only wrote ser- 
mons, because they could not understand that he, the gen- 
eralissimo on sea and land, who commanded the largest 
armies and most formidable squadrons of which history 
speaks, was but a simple priest of Liberty; a humble and 
sublime liberator, who had come from the forests of the 
West to rule half a world with the two codes which con- 
tained all his belief and all his duties — the Constitution 
of the Union and the Holy Bible. 

XXI. 

But from all that has been said, it may, perchance, be 
thought that Abraham Lincoln was a grave, pertinacious, 
inflexible man. And, nevertheless, there was not in the 
United States a plainer, more jovial, and humorous man. 
The merry and jocose humor of " Old Abe " was prover- 
bial, not only in the servants' rooms in the White House 
at Washington, but also in the cabins of the most 
unhappy slaves. He was ever laughing, ever joyous, and 
always accessible. A joke was the chief characteristic of 
his conversations in the family circle, as a certain biblical 
tone pervaded all that he said or wrote concerning his 
public mission. He could not converse without relating 
an anecdote, nor write without quoting from some 
parable. 

On one occasion, while travelino; in a stage coach, in 
1848, making the circuit of the Illinois courts, he pre- 
tended to be an ignorant countryman, and made a young 
lawyer, his fellow-passenger, relate the most absurd sto- 
ries about the comet which appeared that year. But his 
credulity, which he kept up to the end, was but an inno- 



109 

cent joke, perfectly proper on sucli an occasion. On the 
following day, he saluted his astounded colleague as Abra- 
ham Lincoln, the Nestor of the Illinois Bar. Fifteen 
years later, on delivering to the aforesaid young lawyer his 
credentials as Minister to one of the American Kepublics, 
he recalled to his memory the story of the comet with that 
ingenuous mirth which is the frankincense of all good 
souls. 

It i.s also told of him, that when our Envoy, Eear- Ad- 
miral Simpson, was presented to him, for the purpose of 
obtaining the permission of his Government to build ships 
of war for Chile in the ship yard of the United States, he 
gave the refusal in a peculiar characteristic manner. ^' We 
will receive you,'' said he, " as Envoy of a nation which 
we highly esteem, as a librarian receives all who visit his 
rooms. You shall have all at your disposal, look at every- 
thing, examine everything ; but then you cannot have a 
single thing ; you may not carry away the book lent to 
you, for it is my duty to return it safely to its place." 

XXII. 

Abraham Lincoln joined, to a sound, practical judg- 
ment, common to men of his race, the most exquisite sim- 
plicity of language. It was said of him that no man in 
the United States could say more in fewer words, nor 
greater things in more humble language. The frugality 
of his habits could be compared only with the modesty 
of his character. Never did he drink any kind of liquor 
during his long and austere life, nor did he even allow 
himself the innocent use of tobacco. His dress was as 
unpretending as that of the old Puritans. In Washing- 
ton, as at Springfield, he used to buy the first suit he saw 
in a tailor's show-window; and had his wardrobe been ap- 
praised at the time of his death, it would not have been 
valued at more than that of his predecessor and friend, 
General Taylor, who, while President of the United 
States, was wont to appear in the streets of Washington 
in a common suit, the total value of which was estimated 
by passers-by at ^' nine dollars." 

XXIII. 

His personal looks did not fail to harmonize with his 



110 

disregard for appearances. That man, gifted as he was, 
with such rich qualities of soul and mind, had, like the 
opaque vase of Scripture, a common, almost vulgar, look. 
He was very tall, bony, thin and gaunt, and his coarse 
features gave no signs of the gentleness of his soul, save 
in that ever present smile which death itself found play- 
ing round his lips. He was the backwoodsman of the 
West, removed to the Capitol at Washington, in all his 
original rusticity, which seemed to lend increased strength 
to his innate power. He was the same wood-cutter of the 
Ohio, seated on the throne of human democracy, save 
that the destinies of the world now depended upon his 
axe ! 

XXIV. 

Such was Abraham Lincoln, the liberator of the slaves 
— the new Moses who dictated to the disinherited race of 
Ham the tables of the covenant like unto those received 
on Sinai by the Hebrew people — the people of the Sa- 
viour of mankind — Jesus Christ. 

He lived an honest man, and died, like the saints of the 
Christian calendar, anointed with blood and the glory of 
martyrdom. His grand mission of humanity, of duty, 
and responsibility, being ended, he had not, like Wash- 
ington at Mount Vernon, or Jackson at the Hermitage, 
that last happiness of great and toil-worn men, a peace- 
ful death at the close of the long and arduous work to 
which they were called on earth by the Supreme Distribu- 
tor of callings. 

Neither did he close his eyes in death, as did his prede- 
cessors, Adams, Jefferson, and Monroe, on the great day 
of their country, as though that country wished to display 
its brightest gems as she gathered them for ever into her 
bosom. ■''^" '•'•■ "•*'" * Abraham Lincoln ceased to 
exist on a still more solemn day. The redeemer of the 
slaves died on the day on which the Kedeemer of all man- 
kind was crucified on Calvary ! 

Let his memory be blessed throughout all ages to come ! 

XXV. 

And until those ages shall arrive, with their royal offer- 
ings of reward and justice, let thy name, oh ! Abraham 
Lincoln I be known and proclaimed as Benefactor by ail 



Ill 

the oppressed of the earth; let thy memory he glorified with 
hymns of gratitude and praise by all free men who know 
thy origin, wood-cutter of the forest, and have heard of 
thy end, oh ! martyr of liberty ! Let thy new redeeming 
doctrine of government, clothed in the white robe of that 
grand truth, unspotted as it came from thee, be inscribed 
in the book of the destinies of the New World, by the side 
of Washington's Farewell and Monroe's Doctrine — those 
two covenants of that American democracy of the propa- 
gation of which they were the first apostles, as thou hast 
just been made the martyr. Let thy simple homestead at 
Springfield be consecrated by the ovations of the world 
as the humble temple of thy humble virtues; let thy love 
for all that was good, and for thy fellow-men, let thy 
veneration for home and family, let thy constant fear of 
the All-Powerful and of thy country's verdict, sole guide 
of thy guiltless conscience — let thy charity for all who, 
hungry in body or soul, thou feddest with thy bread or 
didst relieve with thy wisdom — let all these, like a choir 
of angels, be grouped around thy tomb, with all the 
other emblems of those sublime gifts which have made thy 
name conspicuous amongst those of thy fellow-beings — 
thy Probity and thy Poverty ! 

Yes ! oh, Abraham Lincoln ! blessed be thy poverty, 
at which the proud and haughty ones did scofP, whom thou 
didst afterwards humble and subdue but to pardon ; and 
which covers with shame and confusion all those who, 
born like thyself, did not know how to remain poor when 
powerful as thou wast, humble dictator of a world of 
opulency ! 

Yes ! oh, Abraham Lincoln ! let thy grave, opened by 
the tears of thy fellow-countrymen, in the very centre of 
thy gloriou<5 Union, serve henceforth, as Washington's at 
Mount Vernon, for an altar of consolation and oblations 
to the pilgrim who searches throughout the universe for 
the worship of his persecuted creed; to the exile who bears 
on his forehead the impress of cruel tyranny; to the emi- 
grant who comes to thy soil in search of bread for his 
loved ones; to. the negro-slave who shall journey from all 
lands and from all islands wherever thy voice may have 
broken his fetters, to ask for his tutelary genius and to 
bless him; to the human race, in fine, who acknowledges 
thee as an apostle of truth, as a creator of a new era in 



112 

the reign of ideas, as the greatest reformer of the political 
principles which have ruled or misguided peoples and gov- 
ernments, and as the purest and most innocent martyr, 
the one most capable of every heroism and every virtue 
who ever fell beneath the hand of a parricide ! 

And for all this, oh, Abraham Lincoln ! on this soil of 
distant Chili, on which are raised monuments to the mar- 
tyrs of ideas and victims of the fanatical, let there b one 
offering worthy of thy glorification after thy martyrdom; 
for thou too didst love our land and serve it; for with 
the breath of thy spotless integrity thou didst efface for 
ever from the altar of our alliance that reproach of idola- 
try of money which the greediness of covetous traders had 
ever shown for its never filled coffer; because thou didst 
repay the joy with which we heard of thy victories with 
the ingenuous thanks so often expressed in thy despatches, 
ever brilliant with the sincerity of thy language; because 
thou alone, of all the powerful, didst remember that on 
certain grand but ignored days, there was, on the soil of 
thy country, a tri-colored flag, the banner of our narion, 
and didst older honors to be paid to it not rendered to the 
standards of the powerful; and because, noble and good 
friend of Chile, as thou didst look around over the dia- 
phanic firmament of nature, thou didst more than once 
contemplate, with loving look, that lone star, the symbol 
of our destiny, twin-sister of those on thy once again in- 
tact banner, and which, like them, shall shine until time 
shall be no more, with the resplendent brilliancy of fixed 
stars, ne^er with the borrowed light of satellites. 

And for all this also, oh, Abraham Lincoln ! whilst 
Europe exhumes from the dust of ages the figures which 
embody its perverse idolatry of usurpers and tyrants, 
Anierica, ever independent, ever free, ever democratic, 
will return the challenge of monarchies, by presenting 
to the eyes of the world thine immortal image and by 
venerating thy name, a thousand-fold greater than all the 
ancient Caesars, again restored to life, as that of a com- 
mon father who from high heaven unites, with loving 
hands, into one single family, at once respected and pow- 
erful, those two grand divisions of the earth and of the 
human race, known as the World of Columbus. 

B. VICUNA MACKENNA. 
Santiago, June 1st, 1865. 



MOTIOK 

Offered in the House of Depnties of Chile, at their 
Meeting of 3d June, 1865. 



The name of Abraham Lincoln, sixteenth President 
of the United States of North America, has been, for the 
past four years, to all the nations of South America, and 
especially to Chile, the most conspicuous and charac- 
teristic emblem of the Democratic institutions which 
prevail in the i^reater part of the countries of the New 
World. 

By his most noble fulfilment of his difficult and great 
mission, no less than by the exalted qualities of his char- 
acter, had that eminent citizen attained, in the opinion 
of the Chilian people, to the same height at which our 
seniors, half a century since, contemplated the figure of 
George Washington first President of the Union, and be- 
yond doubt the true initiator of the independence of both 
continents of America. 

But to the bright gems of his high personal merits and 
of his honest, just and freedom-giving policy, the tragic 
and sudden death of President Lincoln, at the very mo- 
ment in which he was about closing the great work of so- 
cial reconstruction which he had undertaken, giving life 
and civil liberty to four millions of human beings, has 
added to his renown the glory of a noble martyrdom, at 
the sight of which the heart of all true Americans has 
been shrouded in mourning. 

And of all the nations of our Continent and people of 
our race, Chilians have especial reasons to offer their sym- 
pathy and sorrow to the people and Government of the 
United States, for the irreparable loss of that man who 
from all points of view was great. 



114 

From the time that Abraham Lincoln took in hand the 
helm of State, in 1861, his equitable and justice-loving 
policy commenced to clear away, with admirable zeal, all 
pending difficulties for many years previous between 
Chile and his country, thus giving us a true mark of con- 
sideration, which some of his predecessors denied us, and 
bringing about in this manner the most cordial relations 
of mutual esteem and friendship between the two coun- 
tries. 

In view of events within the memory of all, it may be 
said, unhesitatingly, that during the existence of Chile, as 
as an independent nation, she has had no more faithful 
or considerate friend than the United States Government, 
under President Lincoln's administration. 

Since the date of the not only pacific but cordial and 
respectful settlement of the old Macedonian question, 
until the spontaneous offer of mediation, made in the 
name of the Government of the United States, by their 
most worthy representative in Chili, in our late difficulty 
with Bolivia, it may be said that the Chilian people and 
government have been the constant recipients of marks ot 
sympathy and esteem from the American people and gov- 
ernment. 

It is pleasing to us now to remember that the first and 
most condoling diplomatic note addressed to the Govern- 
ment of this Kepublic, after the terrible calamity by which 
it was afflicted in December of 1863, was that of the Re- 
presentative of the United States, at the same time that 
the Cabinet at Washington was, of its own volition, tak- 
ing part with us in our national rejoicings, by issuing 
orders that simple, though significant, honors should be 
paid to our flag and Representative on the national holi- 
days of Chile, thus giving an unprecedented example of 
national courtesy towards us, and which will therefore 
always form a highly honorable exception to our Republic. 

The sincere tokens of appreciation and reciprocal gene- 
rosity which the Government of President Lincoln con- 
stantly evinced for our political course, reached to the 
point of giving liberty, on our last September anniversary, 
— and tor no other reason than that he was a Chilian — to 
a criminal lying in prison under sentence of the Courts. 

But, aside from all these considerations, so suitable to 
excite a vote of sincere friendship from the Represent a- 



115 

lives of the Ohiliaa people, the fact alone of the termi- 
nation of the war, and the reconstruction of the North 
American Union, gives such reassurances of actual safety 
and peaceful future to South American Republics, that 
for the conscientious discharge of our public duty, as well 
as in accordance with a true policy, it becomes us to offer 
to the American people our cordial congratulations upon 
the restoration of internal peace and the triumph of those 
democratic principles which have been so tenaciously, 
although secretly, fought against by European Govern- 
ments, giving unseen aid to the Southern States in rebel- 
lion — those same Governments which, since the commence- 
ment of that rebellion, have been plotting and scheming 
against our safety and our honor. 

And, again, the civil war in the United States was, of 
itself, so horrible a calamity, that its termination should 
receiv^e from all Christian nations of the earth — and es- 
pecially from the Chilian people, who had watched with 
such intensely heartfelt interest the terrible incidents of 
that struggle — an expression of profound gratitude to that 
Divine Providence who has so happily ended a scourge 
unequaled and unknown in the annals of nations and of 
time. 

Thus it appears to have been understood by the 
Government of Chile, when, in the last message of the 
chief of the nation, the restoration of peace in the United 
States was spoken of as the most notable event of the 
present time, and expression was given to the nation's 
sorrow at the bloody sacrifice of the great man to whose 
laudable policy of good faith and honesty, more than to 
the triumph of his armies, was due that happy consum- 
mation. 

The Government of the Republic has, therefore, duly 
fulfilled its duties. The people of Chile have done like- 
wise, having given on this, as on all former occasions, 
those worthy and appropriate manifestations of their feel- 
ings which have gained so high a place for our name in 
the public opinion of foreign nations. It is, therefore, 
right that in its turn the Congress of Chile, as the true 
representative of the people, should likewise offer a simple 
tribute, but at the same time worthy and expressive of the 
sentiments which animate that body in presence of the 



116 



two-fold character of the late intelligence from North 
America. 

In view of these observations, of the justice of which I 
doubt not all the representatives of the Chilean nation will 
agree, I have not hesitated to submit to your votes an idea 
which, in my humble opinion, covers the different feelings 
which at this moment animate us, and which is expressed 
in the following 

PKOJECT OF LAW: 

Article 1st — The portraits of Geojge Washington and 
Abraham Lincoln, the first and last Presidents of the 
United States of America, shall be procured at the na- 
tion's cost, and placed in the Keception Hall of the De- 
pa rtment of Foreign Affairs of Chile, as a tribute offered 
by the Chilean people to that of the United States, on 
the occasion of the restoration of their internal peace and 
their mournful loss in the death of their Chief Magis- 
trate. 

Article 2d — This project of law shall be appropriately 
inscribed at the foot of the aforesaid portraits, and com- 
municated by the Government of Chile to the President 
of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Kepresenta- 
tives of the United States, as an expression of the feelings 
of the Chilean Congress. 

Article 3d — The President of the Kepublic is hereby 
authorized to carry this 'project of law into effect. 

This authorization to be in force for the term of six 
months. 

BENJAMIN VICUNA MACKENNA. 
Santiago, June 3, 1865. 



117 



POSTSCRIPT. 

Attempted Arrest of B. Vicuna Mackenna^ Confidential Agent of Chili in 
the United States^ with the Preliminaries of his Trial for Alleged Viola- 
tion of the Neutrality Laws of the latter country^ " in fitting out an 

J 'Armed Expedition against the Dominions of the Queen of Spain?'' 



Although it was not our intention to devote any space 
to the subject referred to above, we deem it interesting, 
particularly to the readers of this pamphlet who 
have given their attention to the proceedings and 
opinions on the Monroe Doctrine, and the feeling exhibit- 
ed on that occasion by the people of the United States, to 
understand how those opinions and feelings have been car- 
ried out in reference to the so-called " sister republic " of 
Chili by the Government of the United States. 

We purposely refrain from any commentary. The facts 
to which the following documents refer speak for them- 
selves. 

On the 6th of February, just a month after the great 
Monroe Doctrine meeting took place, and on which 
occasion the letter from the Hon. District Attorney, 
Daniel S. Dickinson, expressing his warmest sympathies 
with the cause of the republic against the attempts of the 
European monarchies (seepage 64), was read, Mr. Vicuna 
Mackenna, confidential agent of the Republic of Chili, 
now at war with the Spanish Monarchy, was arrested at 
his residence by order of the above functionary, as ap- 
pears from the following letter, addressed by Mr. Vicuna 
Mackenna to the Editor of the New York Herald, on the 
8th of February. 



118 



New York, Feb. 8, 1866. 

The Neio York Heraldj and most of the daily papers of 
this city, having published erroneous statements concerning 
the attempted arrest made of my person by the Uaited 
States Marshal on the evening of the 6th inst, I hope 
that you will permit me to state the fticts in the case, and 
place this affair, with which the public is so intensely in- 
terested, in its true light. What really took place is sim- 
ply as follows : 

I was enjoying the quiet of my residence when I was 
informed that one or several persons unknown to me 
wished to see me. As I 'have given the strictest orders 
to the servants to admit no one to my presence with- 
out first bringing me their names, their admission was 
denied. Nevertheless, my private secretary, who expressly 
occupies a room for the reception of those who solicit in- 
terviews with me, so as to leave me free from the innu- 
merable importunates who assail my house every day, re- 
ceived the persons who sought me, and inquired the ob- 
ject of their visit, such being the instructions which he 
had received. 

The United States Marshal, who came accompanied by 
five officers, resorted at ,the commencement to subterfuges 
altogether unnecessary; but as soon as he declared his 
name and business, my secretary ascended to my room, and 
I at once went down stairs to present myself to that fnnc- 
tionary. 

I asked to see the warrant of arrest, and, after having 
read it, quietly observed that I could not be arrested, be- 
cause, although my position in this country had been that 
of special agent of Chili, I could also claim diplomatic 
immunity as Secretary of the Chilean Legation at Wash- 
ington, which title I had in my possession, and could show 
then and there. 

The Marshal, who conducted himself with the utmost 
courtesy and respect, as also his subordinates, went to con- 
sult the United States District Attorney, and I despatch- 
ed several telegrams to Washington, so that the Chilian 
Minister might take the necessary steps with the Secretary 
of State. 

After the lapse of half an hour the Marshal returned, 
and told me that I might remain in my house, go to the 



119 

opera, or wherever I saw fit, and that one or two officers 
would accompany me with all due respect. 

I accepted these conditions; and one deputy-marshal 
only having remained — Mr. Robinson, an extremely civil 
young man — he did me the honor to dine with me and 
accompany me to the house of my banker, the highly-res- 
pectable and worthy merchant, Mr. George Gr. Hobson ; 
and to the house of my counsel, Mr. E. W. Stougliton, 
returning afterwards to his house, and I to mine, where I 
slept free of the custody of any one. 

All the mysterious details, the novel incidents, and the 
inventions of all sorts published by the press, are each and 
all of them fictions, gotten up to excite curiosity, or have, 
perhaps, been dictated by less noble motives. I have been 
assured that Spanish agents were found in the neighbor- 
hood of my house at the time when the attempt was made 
to take me to prison, and that those same agents insisted 
that the public functionary should execute it. 

Be that, as it may, Mr. Editor, nobody respects the 
prestige of the press more than I do, for I have been one 
of its members since my early youth. But not for that 
will I consent by my silence that any one should forge 
falsehoods in order to excite the public interest to the de- 
triment of my name or the position which I occupy. I 
am a man who, knowing how to respect the laws and the 
Commonwealth, also know how to respect myself, and to 
make myself respected by others. Besides I am accus- 
tomed to live in a country, where the residences of citi- 
zens are considered sacred, according to the constitution, 
the law, the press, and the public customs ; and I wonder 
why the case should not be the same in the United States 
of America. 

With regard to the motive of my attempted seizure, it 
is, " that I propose to fit out an expedition against the 
dominions of the Queen of Spain," according to the terms 
of the accusation, I will not at this time say a single 
word, neither will I explain the errors made by the tele- 
graph in the transmission of the despatches of my honor- 
able friend, Mr. Asta-Buruaga, the Chilian Minister at 
Washington. For all this the proper time will come be- 
fore the tribunal of justice, and before the grand jury of 
public opinion. 

Until that time comes, and which I desire may be very 



120 

soon, I will only permit mj^self to say that had I not been 
born in a country where treason has never been known, and 
where the people are taught from the cradle to regard be- 
trayal and espionage as an infamy, I could force to ac- 
company me to the tribunal of the United States a 
brilliant array of numberless prominent men of every pub- 
lic profession in this country — generals, commodores, sen- 
ators, bankers, diplomatic ministers, journalists, and even 
the highest functionaries of the republic — who have nobly 
offered to sustain the cause of the country which I repre- 
sent, and for which same crime I have been accused. 

Nevertheless, it shall not happen, so far as I am con- 
cerned ; on the contrary, divesting myself, perhaps 
voluntarily, of the diplomatic privileges to which I am 
entitled by law, in order to make its action more expedi- 
tious, I will come forward alone to maintain the justice and 
legality of my proceedings, and then the people of the 
United States, and the civilized world in general, shall 
know if the grand principles which were the glory, the 
power, and the prestige of this country in the old time, are 
to-day only shadows of the past, or if they may still be 
seen like a rainbow of hope by free men and free peoples, 
who may be subjected to the aggressions of crowned 
usurpers, from the Kio Grande to the Archipelago of 
Chiloe. 

My judgment by these measures will be, not the trial 
of an individual, but a trial of the present policy, of the 
oldest and best loved doctrines, of the public sentiment, 
in fact, of the United States, so strongly uttered every day 
from the precincts of the humblest country club to the 
splendid halls of the Capitol of your great republic. 

Before concluding, I beg that the journals which have 
published false or deceptive versions of the event to which 
this letter refers will have the goodness to reproduce this, 
tor it is the only true one. 

I have the honor to be, sir, 

Most respectfully, 

B. VICUNA MACKENNA. 

In consequence of these proceedings, Mr. Vicuna Mac- 
kenna's trial commenced on the 14th of February, before 
the Circuit Court of the United States, by a preliminary 



121 

debate, in which Mr. Vicuna Mackenna proved that he 
was entitled to diplomatic privileges, as claimed in the 
letter we have just reprinted; after doing which, he declin- 
ed all immunity, and asked to be tried as a simple 
citizen. 

The following documents, presented and read in court 
by Mr. Vicuna Mackenna's counsellor, Mr. E. W. S tough- 
ton, refer to the position assumed by the accused. 

United States of America.^ 
Southern District of New Yorh^ ss. : — 

Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna, being duly sworn, says : — 
That he was born in Santiago, the capital of the State of 
Chili; that his family have been connected for many years 
with the public service of that country, his maternal grand- 
father. General Mackenna having been a member of the 
earliest executive Government when the country broke the 
yoke of Spain in 1810, and his paternal grandfather a 
president of the republic some time after ; that he is a 
lawyer and an author by profession, having published sev- 
eral historical and political works, and, consequently, a 
member of many learned societies, both in Europe and 
South America; that for the last two years he has been a 
member of the House of Kepresentatives of the Kepublic 
of Chili, and Secretary of that body, which position he still 
retains; that, when the Spanish Government sent a fleet to 
humiliate and plunder his country, under the most scandal- 
ous pretexts, he was requested by the Secretary of State of 
the republic, Hon. Alvaro Cavarrubias, to come to this 
country in the capacity of Secretary of the Chilian Lega- 
tion at Washington, and as confidential agent of the Gov- 
ernment, to awaken the public opinion of this country to 
the righteousness and justice of the cause of Chili, and by 
this means to increase the feeling of friendship and mutual 
interest existing between the two countries, which has always 
(and particularly since the war of the rebellion broke out) 
been of the most amicable and intimate character, Chili 
having consented to pay the only claim made by this country 
upon her treasury, and which before the rebellion the 
Government had refused to yield for more than thirty 
years; that he unhesitatingly consented to serve his coun- 
try in that capacity, and sailed from Valparaiso on the 



122 

following day (the 2d of October last) in an English steam- 
er bound to Panama and thence to this city, where he ar- 
rived on the 19th of November; that previous to his de- 
parture he \v3id only time to receive a few letters of intro- 
duction to this country, having been principally thus fav- 
ored by the Hon. Thomas H. Nelson, Minister of the 
United States in Chili, Avith whose warm and kind friend- 
ship deponent had been honored since his arrival in that 
country, this deponent having on several occasions been the 
channel of intercourse between Mr. Nelson and the Chilian 
Grovernment — that high-minded American representative 
being most sincerely esteemed and respected both by 
the Government and people of Chili, who looked with 
general grief to his removal from office at the moment 
when, as senior of the diplomatic body of Chili, he exer- 
cised the whole of his influence to bring the Spaniards to 
reason. Deponent has had an opportunity of presenting 
but a few of Mr. Nelson's letters, among them those ad- 
dressed to the Hon. Montgomery Blair, Speaker Schuyler 
Colfax, Senators Lane, Sumner, and a few others. Among 
the letters written by the Hon. Mr. Nelson, and delivered 
to deponent on the eve of his departure, was an unsealed 
one to the Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, 
which, as Mr. Nelson is no longer in office, deponent has 
not delivered, but a copy of which he annexes hereto, 
marked A, the original being in deponent's possession, and 
ready to be produced under the direction of the Court. 

Immediately upon deponent's arrival in this countr}^, 
as aforesaid, he had an interview with the Chilian Min- 
ister, and very soon thereafter delivered several lectures 
and speeches in this city, for the purpose of presenting 
the war in Chili in its true light of honor, patriotism and 
justice against the atrocity of the attack on the part of 
Spain; that those demonstrations were made in the pres- 
ence of thousands of the citizens of New York at the 
Cooper Institute, and at various other public places in 
this city. That for the same purpose he has made several 
publications in pamphlet form, and in the journals of this 
city, and has issued a newspaper in the Spanish language, 
under the title of La Voz de la America^ of which several 
numbers have been published. 

Deponent was in Washington in the month of January 
last for several days, and during that time resided in the 



123 

house of the Chilian Minister, as a member of his family. 
Whilst deponent was there, Mr. Seward, Secretary of 
State, was absent from the country, and Mr. Hunter, who 
acted as such, was invited to dine with the Chilian Minis- 
ter, who presented deponent to Mr. Hunter as Secretary 
of[the Chilian Legation, and deponent was also introduced 
as such, to the President of the United States at a 
public reception, and, upon other occasions, to Lieutenant- 
General Grant, Major-G-eneral Sherman, and to several 
other high official persoDs. 

Deponent further says he holds in his possessio'n a doc- 
ument in the Spanish language, in the handwritiDg of 
the Chilian Minister, and signed by him, under the 
seal of the Chilian Embassy at Washington, an exact copy 
of which document is hereunto annexed, marked B. De- 
ponent now holds and exercises the said office of Secretary 
of Legation, and is entitled to all the privileges and im- 
munities thereof. 

Deponent further says he presents the foregoiDg facts, 
and claims his diplomatic privileges because he is advised 
and believes he ought so to do, in the discharge of his duty 
to his Governm.ent, and not because he has in any manner 
yiolated the laws or institutions of the United States, all 
of which he has ever respected and observed. 

BENJ. YICUSA MACKENNA. 

Sworn to before me, this tenth of February, 1866. 

Edwakd J. Owen, Notary Public, K Y. 



LETTER OF HON. THOMAS H. NELSON TO MR. SEWARD. 

[A.] Legation of the United States, ) 

Santiago de Chili, October 1, 1825. j 

Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington: 
My Dear Sir: 

I have the honor of introducing to you the eminent his- 
torian, statesman and patriot, Don Benjamin Vicuna 
Mackenna, who is on the eve of starting for the United 
{States to represent to our Government and people the con- 



124 

dition of affairs in this country. Implicit faith may be 
given to all that he may say on the subject. 

It is scarcely necessary that I should remind you that 
Mr. Mackenna has ever been our warm and steadfast friend. 
In the Chilian Congress, in public, and through the press, 
he has earnestly and eloc[uently maintained the cause of 
the Union. 

I sincerely hope that he will be received with the consid- 
eration due to his eminent character and public services. 
Yery respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

THOMAS H. NELSON. 



LETTER OP THE CHILIAN MINISTER TO MR. V. MACKENNA. 



:i 



[B.] Legation of Chili in the United States 

OF North America, 
Washington, Nov. 22, 5. 
Sir: 

The Hon. Secretary of State of Chili informs me that, 
by order of the Supreme Government, your Excellency 
has been appointed Secretary of this Legation, with the 
salary assigned by law, and with the retention of the office 
of Secretary of the Chamber of Deputies, according to 
the agreement of that body: the which I have the honor 
to communicate to your Excellency for your information.* 

(Signed) F. S. ASTA-BUKUAGA. 



Explanatory letter of Mr. Asta-Buruaga to Mr. E. W. 
Stoughton : 
[G.] New York, Feb. 12. 

My Dear Sir: 

As it may prove of interest in the case of Senor Yicuna 
Mackenna, in which you are counsel, to establish his char- 
acter, as a man of honor and truth, in its real light, I 
deem it my duty to state to you that I forwarded to him, 
at the proper time, the appointment of Secretary of Le- 
gation according to instructions which I had received from 
my Government. 

But as Mr. Yicuna Mackenna had not yet been officially 



125 

presented to the State Department, he was free to as- 
sume or decline that position. 

This circumstance explains why the honorable Secretary 
of State informed the District- Attorney that Mr. Mac- 
kenna was not recorded as such Secretary at the State De- 
partment; and, at the same time, places in its true light 
the telegram which I sent to that functionary, stating that 
Mr. Mackenna may not he considered as Secretary, for 
which purpose I take pleasure in sending you this com- 
munication. 

I have the honor to to be, 

Your obedient servant, 
F. S. ASTA-BUKUAGA, Chilian Minister. 

After reading the above documents, Mr. Stoughton de- 
clared in Mr. Vicuna Mackennn's behalf that he was ready 
to wave, and did wave, all his diplomatic privileges and 
immunities, and came forward to be tried by the common 
law of the country. 

The Secretary of State, Hon. W. H. Seward, had, nev- 
ertheless, refused to grant any diplomatic immunity to the 
Agent of Chili, as shown in the following telegram and 
certificate: 

TELEGRAM. 

Washington, Feb. 7. 
D. S. Dickinson J United States District Attorney. 

Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna is not known to this Gov- 
ernment as having any diplomatic privileges. You will 
proceed accordingly. 

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 



certificate. 

United States of America, 
Department of State. 
To all to whom these presents shall come greeting: 
I certify that it appears, from the records and files of 



126 

this Department, that Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna is not 
now, and never has been. Secretary to the Chilian Legation 
in the United States, and that he is not and never has 
been accredited to this Government in any capacity which 
would entitle him to the privileges and immunities of a 
diplomatic agent, pursuant to the laws of nations and the 
Act of Congress in such case provided. 
In testimony whereof, I, William H. Seward, Secretary of 

State of the United States, have hereunto subscribed 
[ls] my name, and caused the seal of the Department of 

State to be affixed. 
Done at the city of Washington this twelfth day of 
February, A,D. 1866, and of the Independence of the 
United States of America the ninetieth. 

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 



The trial, after these preliminary discussions, has been 
postponed to the middle of April, and the Confidential 
Agent of Chili is at liberty under bail of ten thousand 
dollars. 

What the result of this trial will be time alone will 
show. 

The people of the United States will be called upon 
to pronounce their verdict in the pending question, and as 
far as the opinion of its representatives goes, we know its 
real and deep significance in the account we have published 
of the meeting of January 6th. 

The opinion of the South American countries is not yet 
known. But the following article, published on February 
the 21st, by the Mercantile Chronicle, of Panama, an 
able interpreter of popular feeling among the republics of 
the Pacific, gives an idea of what will be the feeling 
exhibited toward the actual policy of the United States 
in those '^sister republics:" 



THE ARREST OF THE CHILIAN ENVOY. 

From the advices just received from New York, we 
learn of the arrest of Sefior Mackenna, the Special agent 
of the Republic of Chili to the United States, charged 



127 

with a breach of the neutrality laws. This action is some- 
what startling; hut when we consider that Secretary Sew- 
ard has but recently visited Cuba, and "bobbed and nob- 
bed " with the Captain General, we are not surprised at 
the action of the State Department even of the free and 
enlightened United Slates. Secretary Seward, it is well 
known, has a 2^ enchant for "royalty," and that may give 
us the key, possibly, to many of his anomalous and strange 
proceedings that damp the ardor of his friends, while they 
offer to his enemies so fruitful a theme for vituperation. 
In a land where the "Monroe Doctrine '^ is supposed to 
have such a vast hold, Sehor Mackenna's breach of the 
neutrality laws should be scarcely of any moment when 
placed in the scale against the preservation of republican 
freedom on this continent. But when the great principle 
is repudiated in the case of Mexico, it is not to be won- 
dered at that a similar, or even harsher course is adopted 
toward a distant sister republic like Chili. This arrest 
was made at the instance of Spaniards and Spanish 
agents — not United States citizens — and it remains to be 
seen how the American people receive it. 

In contradistinction to the above case, we submit the 
following: "Within the last fortnight, at the dead of 
night, in the city of New York, a policeman stopped a 
suspicious-looking individual in a by-street, driving a 
wagon loaded with boxes. The driver's answers were un- 
satisfactory, he was arrested, and the matter brought to 
the notice of the Superintendent of Police, inasmuch as 
the load consisted of military accoutrements and clothing. 
Was this, too, a Chilian enterprise ? By no means. Gol. 
O'Maliony, President of the Irish Bepublic, just dropped 
a 'bit of a note' to the official guardians of the peace, 
stating that the goods were his property, and presto, they 
were released from seizure." 

The hope has been for a long time held out to Chili 
that assistance would be rendered her in her present try- 
ing difficulties, and instead thereof, we see her agent ar- 
rested like a criminal, while every encouragement and im- 
munity are extended to a lot of hot-headed, crack-brained 
Irishmen engaged in a mad and hopeless undertaking. 

In sober seriousness, what is the meaning of this harsh, 
unusual proceeding ? What does it forebode ? " Coming 
events cast their shadows before," and we look upon the 



128 

arrest of Senor Mackenna as an evil omen for Chili. But 
how has this sudden change come ahout ? Is Cuba to be 
the price paid to the United States by Spain for " lending 
her a hand'' in her present desperate efforts to crush the 
South American Kepublics ? Who knows ! 



There are more things in Heaven and earth, Horatio, 
Than are dreamt of in your philosophj^ !" 



t,A,4J.^kAA,i«&^UiA^^«C*.A.«JUykA^dlr4i4.AdL4^bAAiAJULfii^^ 



i w 



CHILI 



UNITED STATES AND SPAIN. 



TO THE EDITORS OF NEWSPAPEES. 

This little, but accurate pamphlet, containing 
statistical and general information up to the latest 
date, -(December 1865), is addressed to the leading 
men of the public Press of the United States, that 
they may judge of the institutions, character, wealth, 
and wonderful progress of the Republic of Chili, so 
imperfectly known in this country, and also of the 
justice, courage and perseverance with which it has 
prosecuted the present war with Spain ; and they 
are respectfully requested to express their opinions 
upon those questions. 




NEW YORK: 

Printed by S. Hallet, No. 60 Fulton Street 
1866. 






^iii ii 




M M I M I H M > M M M M M M f f f I III I H f f I fl > f f f f f > I M M M f > » f K 



